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Edited by KLOECK Carola, CASTRO Paula, WEILER Florian, BLAXEKJÆR Lau Øfjord Publication date 2020-11-23
This edited volume provides both a broad overview of cooperation patterns in the UNFCCC climate change negotiations and an in-depth analysis of specific coalitions and their relations. Over the course of three parts, this book maps out and takes stock of patterns of cooperation in the climate change negotiations since their inception in 1995. In Part I, the authors focus on the evolution of coalitions over time, examining why these emerged and how they function. Part II drills deeper into a set of coalitions, particularly "new" political groups that have emerged in the last rounds of negotiations around the Copenhagen Accord and the Paris Agreement. Finally, Part III explores common themes and open questions in coalition research, and provides a comprehensive overview of coalitions in the climate change negotiations. By taking a broad approach to the study of coalitions in the climate change negotiations, this volume is an essential reference source for researchers, students, and negotiators with an interest in the dynamics of climate negotiations.
in Coalitions in the Climate Change Negotiations Edited by KLOECK Carola, CASTRO Paula, WEILER Florian, BLAXEKJÆR Lau Øfjord Publication date 2020-11-23
CASTRO Paula
This chapter takes stock of the growing number of country coalitions active in the climate change negotiations. We start by characterising coalitions on the basis of their geographic and thematic scope, the size of their membership, and their level of formality. Based on these characteristics, we identify three clusters: regional; global climate-specific; and global generic coalitions. When looking at coalition activity over time, we see that global climate-specific coalitions in particular have emerged in recent years, and that once coalitions are created, they tend to persist. As a result, most developing countries belong to several coalitions. We posit two possible and contrasting implications of such overlapping coalition memberships: coalitions may mutually support each other as common members may help to build bridges across them; and/or multiple coalition memberships may create logistical challenges for smaller parties and lead to tensions in the case of divergent coalition positions. Further research is needed to shed light on these potential implications.
in Coalitions in the Climate Change Negotiations Edited by KLOECK Carola, CASTRO Paula, WEILER Florian, BLAXEKJÆR Lau Øfjord Publication date 2020-11-23
CASTRO Paula
WEILER Florian
BLAXEKJÆR Lau Øfjord
This introductory chapter sets the scene for the present volume on cooperation and coalitions in the climate change negotiations. Coalitions – understood here as cooperative efforts between at least two parties to obtain common goals – come in many forms and shapes. Although central to multilateral negotiations, they have received surprisingly little academic attention. We review research on coalitions, with a focus on the climate change negotiations. Our review shows that we still have a poor understanding of coalition formation, maintenance, and effectiveness. We then outline how the various chapters of this volume address this gap and contribute to our understanding of coalitions in multilateral (climate) negotiations.
CERI Sciences Po Research Professor Karoline Postel Vinay has been exploring for several years the concept of narratives of the global, through a de-centred (non-European) analysis of the international. What are narratives of the global, and why are there several narratives, sometimes competing? Where do regions stand in the global realm and are they an entity with a future? Karoline Postel Vinay answers our questions and helps us better grasp what history, also, has to do with the international. Interview by Miriam Périer, CERI.
in Coalitions in the Climate Change Negotiations Edited by KLOECK Carola, CASTRO Paula, WEILER Florian, BLAXEKJÆR Lau Øfjord Publication date 2020-11-23
CASTRO Paula
WEILER Florian
BLAXEKJÆR Lau Øfjord
This concluding chapter returns to the point of departure of this volume: the central, but understudied role of coalitions in multilateral negotiations. The present volume addresses this research gap by examining a plurality of coalitions active in the climate regime, as well as exploring their developments over time. Four common themes and findings emerge from the various contributions; coalitions are context-specific and shape the negotiation dynamics as much as they are shaped by them. Coalitions are also sticky and tend to persist over time, although their level of activity and influence may vary across different negotiation periods. Coalitions also operate at different levels, such that we can speak of a “hierarchy” of coalitions, including both sub-coalitions and meta-coalitions. Finally, the proliferation of coalitions has resulted in multiple and overlapping coalition memberships, with positive and negative effects for the influence of individual countries and coalitions. We conclude this chapter by highlighting some open questions and ways forward for coalition research.
in Questions internationales Publication date 2020-11-20
Article du dossier "Moyen-Orient : des guerres sans fin" : Depuis de longues décennies, le Moyen-Orient est en proie aux conflits, aux tensions et aux divisions. Des religions vouées à la paix et à l’amour s’y transforment en doctrines de haine et de guerre. Des sources immenses de richesse, notamment pétrolière, y coexistent avec la pauvreté de la grande majorité des populations. Nulle part au monde, on ne trouve dans un espace aussi réduit tant de rivalités et de violence portant sur la maîtrise de territoires (Irak, Syrie, Yémen, Palestine...). Récurrence des affrontements, stagnation économique, absence de démocratie, inertie politique, interventions extérieures multiples et non coordonnées…, le numéro 103-104 de Questions internationales dresse un panorama complet de cette région conflictuelle.
in Questions internationales Publication date 2020-11-20
Article du dossier "Moyen-Orient : des guerres sans fin" : Depuis de longues décennies, le Moyen-Orient est en proie aux conflits, aux tensions et aux divisions. Des religions vouées à la paix et à l’amour s’y transforment en doctrines de haine et de guerre. Des sources immenses de richesse, notamment pétrolière, y coexistent avec la pauvreté de la grande majorité des populations. Nulle part au monde, on ne trouve dans un espace aussi réduit tant de rivalités et de violence portant sur la maîtrise de territoires (Irak, Syrie, Yémen, Palestine...). Récurrence des affrontements, stagnation économique, absence de démocratie, inertie politique, interventions extérieures multiples et non coordonnées…, le numéro 103-104 de Questions internationales dresse un panorama complet de cette région conflictuelle.
Mathilde Leloup is Oxpo post-doctoral Fellow at the Department of Politics and International Relations (DPIR ) of the University of Oxford and research associate to the CERI/Sciences Po. Since 2018, she is co-organiser of the GRAM (Research Group on Multilateral Action) research seminar with Guillaume Devin and Sarah Tanke. Her PhD thesis, entitled “Redefining Humanity Through its Heritage: The Incorporation of Cultural Protection into Peacekeeping Mandates” was awarded the Dalloz Price this Autumn 2020. Mathilde answers our questions about her research, past and present. Interview by Miriam Périer, CERI
L’association Les Roses d’Acier, créée en 2014 par des travailleuses du sexe chinoises du quartier de Belleville dans le 11e arrondissement de Paris, a pour mission première de lutter contre les violences multiples qu’elles subissent. Les interventions de l’association au niveau national, local et communautaire visent à créer du lien, d’une part avec le reste de la société (voisins, représentants politiques), d’autre part entre elles, afin de les sortir de l’isolement créé par leur activité, cible de toutes les stigmatisations. L’étude de leur prise de parole dans un recueil écrit par les travailleuses et travailleurs du sexe permet de suivre l’élargissement des actions de l’association.
in Journal of Chinese Overseas Publication date 2020-11-18
ZHIPENG Li
This article seeks to analyze recent developments in overseas media in the Chinese language in France. To do so it underlines the links between these media, created for and by Chinese migrants, and the trajectory of an entrepreneurial diaspora within the host country. The vast bulk of data is drawn from a qualitative study of several media organizations of the Chinese diaspora in France. In particular, a comparative study of two media, Ouzhou shibao and Huarenjie, has enabled an examination of a twofold interrelated phenomenon. On the one hand, the changes in commercial strategy to respond to the evolution of the Chinese diaspora in France, and, on the other, the relations between the Paris-based Chinese ethnic media and the authorities of the country of origin. It is argued that these media contribute to building social and political capital for the Chinese diasporic entrepreneurs in France.
Edited by GRANGÉ Ninon, MOREAU Pierre-François, RAMEL Frédéric Publication date 2020-11-18 Collection Constitution de la modernité : 23
Günther Anders (1902-1992) a voulu penser la situation de l’humanité après Auschwitz et Hiroshima et la possibilité de sa destruction totale. Ce volume rassemble des études sur son anthropologie, son rapport au judaïsme, ses conceptions de la morale, des catastrophes, de la guerre nuclé
in Journal of Chinese Overseas Publication date 2020-11-18
DU Juan
Urban violence and threats to personal safety are everyday issues of shared concern for Chinese migrants in France. They push Chinese migrants to act as local residents and to interact with the host country in various and unexpected ways, whether openly or inconspicuously, in order to improve their living environment and negotiate their place in the host society. Drawing on an ethnography of Chinese immigrants living in the banlieues of Paris and their everyday social practices in relation to the issues of violence and insecurity, this article documents the strategies of everyday resistance used by Chinese immigrants, grounded in their local knowledge. In a shift toward further local participation, they perform these actions as local residents, resulting in a de facto citizenship.
in Journal of Chinese Overseas Publication date 2020-11-18
CHUANG Ya-Han
MERLE Aurore
As Chinese immigration to Europe continues to grow, the research on the migration patterns and mobility regimes of this population has flourished and diversified (Laczko 2003; Thunø and Li 20201). In such a context, France remains the European country where Chinese communities’ claims of citizenship have become the most tangible. Since 2010, when the first protest in the Belleville neighborhood of Paris was organized, the “Chinese-French” have been seeking their own space, words and identity within the French social and political landscape. The French case is a key case study today in Europe for analyzing the renewed challenges that host countries face in incorporating migrants’ descendants. Indeed, 30 years after the descendants of North African immigrants’ first took to the streets to claim their rights, Chinese (and Southeast Asian) descendants’ emerging activism signifies a generational turn within the immigrant communities. However, the current situation differs on two points: first, unlike North and sub-Saharan African immigration, where immigrants have suffered systemic racism due to the colonial heritage, Chinese and Southeast Asian immigration is historically less subject to the colonial heritage; second, Chinese immigrants and their descendants have long been considered a model minority, yet this label has contributed to their exclusion from the overall definition of French national identity. The case of the Chinese xin yimin 新移民 (new migrants) and their descendants in France therefore offers fresh perspectives on the analyses of ethnic relations in the host countries of Europe...
Le 27 septembre dernier explosait à nouveau et avec une rare intensité la guerre du Karabagh opposant l’Arménie à l’Azerbaïdjan, un conflit communément considéré comme gelé mais dont les étincelles n’ont jamais cessé de faire rougeoyer les braises. Cette fois, la crise est plus profonde. Au point que devant la détermination des forces militaires azerbaïdjanaises qui sont entrées dans le cœur historique du Karabakh, la ville de Chouchi (ou Choucha), l’Arménie a dû accepter, le couteau sous la gorge, un cessez-le-feu qui s’apparente pour elle à une capitulation. En effet, au terme de l’accord scellé sous l’égide de la Russie dans la nuit du 9 au 10 novembre, l’Azerbaïdjan va récupérer ses sept districts adjacents du Karabagh dont il contrôlera la plus grande partie, Bakou ne laisse à l’Arménie qu’un corridor qui lui permet d’être connectée au reste du Karabakh qui demeurera arménien. L’Azerbaïdjan s’octroie aussi un corridor traversant l’Arménie qui lui permettra d’être connecté à sa province de Nakhitchevan située entre l’Arménie, l’Iran et la Turquie et donc dépourvue de continuité territoriale avec l’Azerbaïdjan, ce qui établira une continuité entre la Turquie, l’Azerbaïdjan, la mer Caspienne et le reste du monde turc, soit les Etats turcophones d’Asie centrale, (Turkménistan, Ouzbékistan, Kirghizstan et Kazakhstan), un gain géopolitique précieux pour Ankara dont le rôle a été important dans cette guerre.
Since 2010, Chinese residents and Chinese French citizens have denounced unequal treatment in French society, especially focusing on the lack of preventative measures taken against racially targeted violent robberies. In 2016, a major demonstration brought together around 30,000 people, marking a turning point in the activists’ cause. The second generation took a clearly more active role in this protest and (re)framed the demonstrators’ claims to emphasize the structural racism that lies behind the violence aimed at their communities. Since then, the descendants of Asian migrants have developed initiatives to fight against stereotypes and related acts of violence. Based on qualitative research into different forms of collective action, this article highlights how some have engaged in online campaigns to highlight the stereotypes and everyday racism associated with Asian populations, and others have engaged with the legal process to see that petty crimes are recognized as acts of racism.
in Journal of Chinese Overseas Edited by CHUANG Ya-Han, LE BAIL Hélène, MERLE Aurore Publication date 2020-11-18
This “generational turn” constitutes the point of departure for this special issue. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork and in-depth interviews, the five articles analyze various forms of discrimination experienced by the new Chinese migrants—first and second generation included—and their strategies of resistance. They offer different perspectives on the political socialization and mobilization of the Chinese and their descendants in France: while Juan Du, Ya-Han Chuang and Aurore Merle analyze the mobilization processes and patterns of first-generation Chinese immigrants in the “banlieues rouges” (red/ communist suburbs) of Paris where many Chinese migrants live and work today and face cohabitation and safety difficulties in relation to other population groups, Hélène Le Bail and Ya-Han Chuang show how Chinese and Asian descendants (second or 1.5-generation immigrants) use social networks to share their feelings about their belonging and discuss the discrimination they suffer, with the online gatherings leading to anti-racist legal actions. These five articles provide insight into how various collectives of Chinese-French activists, from different generations and diverse social backgrounds—residents, small-scale entrepreneurs, marginalized inhabitants, and students, as well as the media and cultural elite—and with different resources and repertoires of actions, challenge central institutions in France’s democratic life: the city hall and its mayor, the police, the courts and the media. Through their actions, not only do these concerned and mobilized citizens become more familiar with French civic life but they also contribute to transforming and enriching it, by calling out racism and discrimination and advocating new patterns of inclusion and citizenship. Yong Li’s contribution highlights the individual processes that Chinese graduates go through to identify and call out the racial discrimination and sometimes outright racism that they experience in the workplace and the responses they develop in relation to their bosses and colleagues. This growing consciousness facilitates collective mobilization against anti-Chinese racism, as analyzed by Le Bail and Chuang, and has led to alliances with other anti-racist organizations and actors. Zhipeng Li’s article, which takes a detailed look at two overseas-Chinese ethnic media organizations in France, shows how these media provide Chinese xin yimin with a platform to express themselves and share common feelings of belonging/non-belonging in France and China, thus contributing to the organization of community life. As Du and Chuang and Merle illustrate in their articles, Chinese ethnic or community-based mobilizations are not an expression of communitarianism or of separatism from the national (French) community; on the contrary, they collectively voice a wish to be an integral part of the host society. In this sense, they largely contribute, in conjunction with the actions of other groups of citizens, to reframing the French republican model by demonstrating that universalism and equality are compatible with multiculturalism and diversity. There is still a long way to go and the various forms of political participation of the “Chinese-French” will continue to require further scrutiny.
Sous la houlette de la Russie, l’Arménie a accepté le 10 novembre 2020 un cessez-le-feu dans la guerre du Karabakh qui s’apparente à une capitulation. L’Azerbaïdjan triomphe, avec le soutien militaire et logistique de la Turquie. La leçon pourrait être amère pour la Russie, longtemps puissance dominante dans le Caucase et protectrice de l’Arménie. Mais dans le jeu complexe de confrontations et d’alliances entre Vladimir Poutine et Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, chacun pourrait y trouver son compte.
Dans cet article, nous montrons que la coopération politique instituée « par le haut » en Arctique à la fin de la Guerre froide a mené à une intégration régionale institutionnelle. Cette dernière s’est centrée autour de la protection de l’environnement, qui paraît cependant être avant tout un prétexte politique. Nous comprenons en effet la région comme un outil politique, utilisé par les États circumpolaires pour restreindre de plus en plus le périmètre de décision régional. En retour, ce modèle de gouvernance fermée est remis en cause par de nouveaux acteurs, en particulier fédéraux (Québec) mais aussi étatiques internationaux ou autochtones, qui tentent d’élargir les limites de la région avec de nouvelles formes de gouvernance plus ouvertes. Les stratégies des acteurs qui dessinent une gouvernance multiniveau et enchevêtrée forment une région par intersection aux limites floues et contestées.
in Raisons politiques Publication date 2020-11-17
SENNETT Richard
« Apprendre : dans les cafés plutôt que dans les salles de cours » -- Conversation avec Richard Sennett Conversation avec Richard Sennett sur son parcours intellectuel à l’occasion de la parution de Bâtir et Habiter (trad. fr. Astrid von Busekist, Albin Michel, 2019), où l’auteur précise le sens de son engagement pour une ville ouverte.
Dans cet ouvrage, à paraître également aux Presses de l’EHESS, Guillaume Sauvé étudie le cheminement intellectuel et politique de l’intelligentsia libérale soviétique pendant la perestroïka. Le titre du livre, « Subir la victoire », exprime l’ambivalence de cette période au cours de laquelle la victoire majeure des libéraux - le démantèlement du système communiste – s’est obtenue « au prix de leur propre déclin » (p. 12). L’intervalle étudié, de 1987 à 1993, s’ouvre sur l’essor phénoménal des intellectuels libéraux dans l’arène médiatique et traverse leur expérience de la lutte politique jusqu’à leur chute dans la sphère publique post-soviétique. En 1993, lors de l’adoption d’une Constitution « super-présidentielle » (p. 12), assise sur la répression par la force de l’opposition parlementaire, les intellectuels libéraux sont exclus du pouvoir et discrédités auprès de l’opinion publique, tandis que leurs valeurs sont bafouées par la fondation, autoritaire et violente, de la démocratie russe contemporaine...