CONSULTER ...les dernières publications
Publié en 2020-11-26 Collection EU-LISTCO Working Paper : 7 (November 2020)
BARGUÉS Pol
GABADŁO Lidia
KACA Elżbieta
MORILLAS Pol
NARBONE Luigi
PIROZZI Nicoletta
TERLIKOWSKI Marcin
The EU is increasingly concerned with the diffusion and uncertainty of risks and threats in the neighbourhood, and resilience appears as a useful and pragmatic policy framework to address risks in areas of limited statehood and contested orders. The working paper draws from extensive report analysis and semi-structured interviews with EU officials to examine the diplomatic, economic, and military instruments that the EU mobilizes in a resilience-informed external action. The main contribution is that these instruments are increasingly facilitating resilience through multiple, long-term, and indirect actions. First, instruments have expanded and diversified to undertake as many different actions as possible. Second, they are sustained over long periods of time, even when there are no risks or threats or after peace and stability have been reached. Third, since resilience emerges “from below”, building on societies’ own resources and tools, EU instruments facilitate resilience indirectly, through constant engagement in the neighbourhood.
Publié en 2020-11-26 Collection EU-LISTCO POLICY PAPER SERIES : 8 (November 2020)
The rise of populism in the European Union represents a key internal political development that is likely to have repercussions on its foreign policy. It is traditionally assumed that, when in the opposition, populist parties affect foreign policy debates though not foreign policy outcomes. But when they are elected into office, as happened in several EU member states, how do they shape policy decisions and processes in EU foreign policy? This policy paper argues that although populist actors can be vocal and conspicuous in aligning with external actors contesting the international liberal order, they rarely go as far as swaying or blocking EU foreign policy decisions and outputs. At the same time, however, populist governments’ domestic illiberal policies have the potential to undermine the EU’s legitimacy, structural power, and resilience-building endeavours.
Compte rendu de l'ouvrage "Contradictions of Democracy: Vigilantism and Rights in Post-Apartheid South Africa", de Nicholas Rush Smith, New York, Oxford University Press, 2019.
in Site de la revue Etudes Publié en 2020-11-25
THERME Clément
Alors qu’une année s’est écoulée depuis la répression des manifestations de novembre 2019, l’Iran se trouve dans une situation sociale, économique, sanitaire et sécuritaire toujours plus précaire. La politique de « pressions maximales » de l’Administration Trump n’a certes pas permis de renverser la République islamique ni d’obtenir une réduction des ambitions nucléaires de Téhéran, il n’en reste pas moins que le risque d’effondrement économique demeure...
Les résultats des élections présidentielles américaines sont rarement contestés, avec deux exceptions notables : l’élection de 1876 et celle de 2000. En 1876, aucun des deux candidats, le républicain Hayes et le démocrate Tilden (qui l’emportait en nombre de votes populaires) ne disposait d’une majorité de grands électeurs. Trois États, la Louisiane, la Floride et la Caroline du Sud présentaient des listes rivales de grands électeurs. Le Congrès restait dans l’incapacité de trancher puisque la Chambre des représentants, contrôlée par les Démocrates, préférait Tilden alors que le Sénat, contrôlé par les Républicains, choisissait Hayes. Un compromis fut trouvé in extremis avec la mise en place d’une commission bipartisane qui donnait la présidence à Hayes et offrait à Tilden, comme lot de consolation, une extraordinaire victoire politique : le rétablissement de l’autonomie politique des États du Sud, fondée sur le départ des troupes fédérales, et la mise en place rapide et brutale d’un système de dépossession du droit de vote des Noirs — citoyens théoriquement libres — mais subjugués jusqu’au vote de deux grandes lois libératrices, votées sous l’administration Johnson (le Civil Rights Act de 1964 et le Voting Rights Act de 1965). Le deuxième exemple, mieux connu, est celui de l’élection de 2000, qui se termina avec une intervention de la Cour Suprême, interrompant le recomptage des voix de la Floride, le 12 décembre. Les Républicains l’emportaient alors avec une majorité de 537 voix...
L’inde a engagé en 2009 un programme d’identification biométrique de sa population. Il s’agissait à l’origine d’un projet né au sein des entreprises informatiques basées à Bangalore, et son principal architecte, Nandan Nilekani, était d’ailleurs le patron d’une de ces grandes firmes. Leur dessein était d’utiliser les techniques du numérique et les données qu’elles permettent de recueillir à des fins économiques. Mais pour enregistrer l’ensemble de la population indienne, il fallait convaincre l’Etat de s’investir dans l’opération. L’argument qui emporta l’adhésion du gouvernement fut financier : ce programme, nommé Aadhaar, permettrait de distribuer les fonds d’aide aux pauvres en minimisant les pertes liées notamment à la corruption et à l’existence de doublons parmi les bénéficiaires. Or être identifié par Aadhaar est devenu peu à peu nécessaire pour réaliser de multiples opérations de la vie courante, y compris pour payer ses impôts. Saisie, la Cour suprême a tardé à se prononcer et n’a pas cherché à protéger la vie privée des personnes d’une manière convaincante. Aadhaar n’a pas non plus préservé la qualité des services rendus aux pauvres – loin de là – et son impact économique est encore à prouver, même si les opérateurs qui croient que data is the new oil se situent dans une perspective de long terme.
Sous la direction de KLOECK Carola, CASTRO Paula, WEILER Florian, BLAXEKJÆR Lau Øfjord Publié en 2020-11-23
This edited volume provides both a broad overview of cooperation patterns in the UNFCCC climate change negotiations and an in-depth analysis of specific coalitions and their relations. Over the course of three parts, this book maps out and takes stock of patterns of cooperation in the climate change negotiations since their inception in 1995. In Part I, the authors focus on the evolution of coalitions over time, examining why these emerged and how they function. Part II drills deeper into a set of coalitions, particularly "new" political groups that have emerged in the last rounds of negotiations around the Copenhagen Accord and the Paris Agreement. Finally, Part III explores common themes and open questions in coalition research, and provides a comprehensive overview of coalitions in the climate change negotiations. By taking a broad approach to the study of coalitions in the climate change negotiations, this volume is an essential reference source for researchers, students, and negotiators with an interest in the dynamics of climate negotiations.
in Coalitions in the Climate Change Negotiations Sous la direction de KLOECK Carola, CASTRO Paula, WEILER Florian, BLAXEKJÆR Lau Øfjord Publié en 2020-11-23
CASTRO Paula
WEILER Florian
BLAXEKJÆR Lau Øfjord
This introductory chapter sets the scene for the present volume on cooperation and coalitions in the climate change negotiations. Coalitions – understood here as cooperative efforts between at least two parties to obtain common goals – come in many forms and shapes. Although central to multilateral negotiations, they have received surprisingly little academic attention. We review research on coalitions, with a focus on the climate change negotiations. Our review shows that we still have a poor understanding of coalition formation, maintenance, and effectiveness. We then outline how the various chapters of this volume address this gap and contribute to our understanding of coalitions in multilateral (climate) negotiations.
CERI Sciences Po Research Professor Karoline Postel Vinay has been exploring for several years the concept of narratives of the global, through a de-centred (non-European) analysis of the international. What are narratives of the global, and why are there several narratives, sometimes competing? Where do regions stand in the global realm and are they an entity with a future? Karoline Postel Vinay answers our questions and helps us better grasp what history, also, has to do with the international. Interview by Miriam Périer, CERI.
in Coalitions in the Climate Change Negotiations Sous la direction de KLOECK Carola, CASTRO Paula, WEILER Florian, BLAXEKJÆR Lau Øfjord Publié en 2020-11-23
CASTRO Paula
This chapter takes stock of the growing number of country coalitions active in the climate change negotiations. We start by characterising coalitions on the basis of their geographic and thematic scope, the size of their membership, and their level of formality. Based on these characteristics, we identify three clusters: regional; global climate-specific; and global generic coalitions. When looking at coalition activity over time, we see that global climate-specific coalitions in particular have emerged in recent years, and that once coalitions are created, they tend to persist. As a result, most developing countries belong to several coalitions. We posit two possible and contrasting implications of such overlapping coalition memberships: coalitions may mutually support each other as common members may help to build bridges across them; and/or multiple coalition memberships may create logistical challenges for smaller parties and lead to tensions in the case of divergent coalition positions. Further research is needed to shed light on these potential implications.
in Coalitions in the Climate Change Negotiations Sous la direction de KLOECK Carola, CASTRO Paula, WEILER Florian, BLAXEKJÆR Lau Øfjord Publié en 2020-11-23
CASTRO Paula
WEILER Florian
BLAXEKJÆR Lau Øfjord
This concluding chapter returns to the point of departure of this volume: the central, but understudied role of coalitions in multilateral negotiations. The present volume addresses this research gap by examining a plurality of coalitions active in the climate regime, as well as exploring their developments over time. Four common themes and findings emerge from the various contributions; coalitions are context-specific and shape the negotiation dynamics as much as they are shaped by them. Coalitions are also sticky and tend to persist over time, although their level of activity and influence may vary across different negotiation periods. Coalitions also operate at different levels, such that we can speak of a “hierarchy” of coalitions, including both sub-coalitions and meta-coalitions. Finally, the proliferation of coalitions has resulted in multiple and overlapping coalition memberships, with positive and negative effects for the influence of individual countries and coalitions. We conclude this chapter by highlighting some open questions and ways forward for coalition research.
Sous la direction de DABÈNE Olivier, LAUNAY Claire Publié en 2020-11-23
Que deviennent les manifestations au temps du COVID-19 quand l'accès à l'espace public se referme? Comment continuer à défendre des causes lorsque la lutte contre la pandémie accapare l'agenda des citoyens et des gouvernants? Le COVID a-t-il eu raison du 'printemps' latino-américain de 2019? Dans le cadre d'une recherche en cours sur la participation citoyenne et la gouvernance en Amérique latine, l'OPALC, en partenariat avec Transparencia por Colombia et grâce au soutien financier de la Fondation Charles Lépopold Mayer (FPH) lance la web série Protestas. Produit d'une collaboration entre un groupe de 8 chercheurs et 2 journalistes/réalisateurs, elle présente des activistes et leurs initiatives en Colombie, Chili, Argentine, Pérou, Mexique, Costa Rica et France.
in Questions internationales Publié en 2020-11-20
Article du dossier "Moyen-Orient : des guerres sans fin" : Depuis de longues décennies, le Moyen-Orient est en proie aux conflits, aux tensions et aux divisions. Des religions vouées à la paix et à l’amour s’y transforment en doctrines de haine et de guerre. Des sources immenses de richesse, notamment pétrolière, y coexistent avec la pauvreté de la grande majorité des populations. Nulle part au monde, on ne trouve dans un espace aussi réduit tant de rivalités et de violence portant sur la maîtrise de territoires (Irak, Syrie, Yémen, Palestine...). Récurrence des affrontements, stagnation économique, absence de démocratie, inertie politique, interventions extérieures multiples et non coordonnées…, le numéro 103-104 de Questions internationales dresse un panorama complet de cette région conflictuelle.
in Social Science Research Council Publié en 2020-11-20
DORRONSORO Gilles
For the “Covid-19 and the Social Sciences” series, Adam Baczko and Gilles Dorronsoro argue for the necessity of resuming fieldwork. They trace how subcontracting research or shifting to methodologies which are remote in time and space—solutions often touted in the pandemic age—in fact produce unreliable, exploitative, and undertheorized work incapable of accurately analyzing dynamic conditions on the ground. These transformations relate to broader research trends toward neoliberal privatization, and the authors outline how they can be resisted by returning, carefully, to the field.
Article du dossier "Moyen-Orient : des guerres sans fin" : Depuis de longues décennies, le Moyen-Orient est en proie aux conflits, aux tensions et aux divisions. Des religions vouées à la paix et à l’amour s’y transforment en doctrines de haine et de guerre. Des sources immenses de richesse, notamment pétrolière, y coexistent avec la pauvreté de la grande majorité des populations. Nulle part au monde, on ne trouve dans un espace aussi réduit tant de rivalités et de violence portant sur la maîtrise de territoires (Irak, Syrie, Yémen, Palestine...). Récurrence des affrontements, stagnation économique, absence de démocratie, inertie politique, interventions extérieures multiples et non coordonnées…, le numéro 103-104 de Questions internationales dresse un panorama complet de cette région conflictuelle.
Mathilde Leloup is Oxpo post-doctoral Fellow at the Department of Politics and International Relations (DPIR ) of the University of Oxford and research associate to the CERI/Sciences Po. Since 2018, she is co-organiser of the GRAM (Research Group on Multilateral Action) research seminar with Guillaume Devin and Sarah Tanke. Her PhD thesis, entitled “Redefining Humanity Through its Heritage: The Incorporation of Cultural Protection into Peacekeeping Mandates” was awarded the Dalloz Price this Autumn 2020. Mathilde answers our questions about her research, past and present. Interview by Miriam Périer, CERI
L’association Les Roses d’Acier, créée en 2014 par des travailleuses du sexe chinoises du quartier de Belleville dans le 11e arrondissement de Paris, a pour mission première de lutter contre les violences multiples qu’elles subissent. Les interventions de l’association au niveau national, local et communautaire visent à créer du lien, d’une part avec le reste de la société (voisins, représentants politiques), d’autre part entre elles, afin de les sortir de l’isolement créé par leur activité, cible de toutes les stigmatisations. L’étude de leur prise de parole dans un recueil écrit par les travailleuses et travailleurs du sexe permet de suivre l’élargissement des actions de l’association.
in Journal of Chinese Overseas Publié en 2020-11-18
ZHIPENG Li
This article seeks to analyze recent developments in overseas media in the Chinese language in France. To do so it underlines the links between these media, created for and by Chinese migrants, and the trajectory of an entrepreneurial diaspora within the host country. The vast bulk of data is drawn from a qualitative study of several media organizations of the Chinese diaspora in France. In particular, a comparative study of two media, Ouzhou shibao and Huarenjie, has enabled an examination of a twofold interrelated phenomenon. On the one hand, the changes in commercial strategy to respond to the evolution of the Chinese diaspora in France, and, on the other, the relations between the Paris-based Chinese ethnic media and the authorities of the country of origin. It is argued that these media contribute to building social and political capital for the Chinese diasporic entrepreneurs in France.
Since 2010, Chinese residents and Chinese French citizens have denounced unequal treatment in French society, especially focusing on the lack of preventative measures taken against racially targeted violent robberies. In 2016, a major demonstration brought together around 30,000 people, marking a turning point in the activists’ cause. The second generation took a clearly more active role in this protest and (re)framed the demonstrators’ claims to emphasize the structural racism that lies behind the violence aimed at their communities. Since then, the descendants of Asian migrants have developed initiatives to fight against stereotypes and related acts of violence. Based on qualitative research into different forms of collective action, this article highlights how some have engaged in online campaigns to highlight the stereotypes and everyday racism associated with Asian populations, and others have engaged with the legal process to see that petty crimes are recognized as acts of racism.
Urban violence and threats to personal safety are everyday issues of shared concern for Chinese migrants in France. They push Chinese migrants to act as local residents and to interact with the host country in various and unexpected ways, whether openly or inconspicuously, in order to improve their living environment and negotiate their place in the host society. Drawing on an ethnography of Chinese immigrants living in the banlieues of Paris and their everyday social practices in relation to the issues of violence and insecurity, this article documents the strategies of everyday resistance used by Chinese immigrants, grounded in their local knowledge. In a shift toward further local participation, they perform these actions as local residents, resulting in a de facto citizenship.