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  • MARIN Giovanni (11)
  • CONSOLI Davide (10)
  • RAITANO Michele (9)
  • NICOLLI Francesco (8)
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in Journal of Environmental Economics and Management Publié en 2019-11
MARIN Giovanni
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The political acceptability of climate policies is undermined by job-killing arguments, especially for the least-skilled workers. However, evidence of the distributional impacts for different workers remains scant. We examine the associations between climate policies, proxied by energy prices, and workforce skills for 14 European countries and 15 industrial sectors over the period 1995–2011. Using a shift-share instrumental variable estimator and controlling for the influence of automation and globalization, we find that climate policies have been skill biased against manual workers and have favoured technicians. The long-term change in energy prices accounted for between 9.2% and 17.5% (resp. 4.2% and 8.0%) of the increase (resp. decrease) in the share of technicians (resp. manual workers).

This blog post is partly based on the policy paper published in the journal Climate Policy: ‘Job Losses and the Political Acceptability of Climate Policies: why the job killing argument is so persistent and how to overturn it.’ Concerns for a ‘just transition’ towards a low-carbon economy are now part of mainstream political debates as well as of international negotiations on climate change. Key political concerns centre on the distributional impacts of climate policies. On the one hand, the ‘job killing’ argument has been repeatedly used to undermine the political acceptability of climate policy and to ensure generous exemptions to polluting industries in most countries. On the other hand, the rising populist parties point to carbon taxes as another enhancer of socio-economic inequalities. For instance, the Gilets Jaunes (Yellow vest) movement in France is a classic example of the perceived tension between social justice and environmental sustainability.

in Journal of Economic Geography Publié en 2019-09
MARIN Giovanni
CONSOLI Davide
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This paper explores the nature and the key empirical regularities of green employment in US local labor markets in 2006–2014. The main methodological novelty consists of a new measure of green employment based on the task content of occupations. Descriptive analysis reveals that green employment is pro-cyclical, highly skilled, commands a 4% wage premium and is geographically concentrated. Green employment dynamics positively correlates with local green subsidies within the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, local green knowledge, and resilience to the great recession. Finally, we find that one additional green job is associated with 4.2 (2.2 in the crisis period) new local jobs in non-tradable non-green activities.

Avec une dette publique s'élevant à 132,1 % du PIB et une croissance négative de la productivité au cours des vingt dernières années, l'Italie semble prise au piège d'un endettement élevé et d'une faible croissance. Nous nous concentrons sur les facteurs à l'origine de ces deux fléaux en Italie, et examinons de quelle façon ils sont intimement liés : une croissance atone limite les marges de manœuvre budgétaires et sème le doute sur la viabilité de la dette publique ; la réduction de l'espace budgétaire et les règles budgétaires strictes pèsent à leur tour sur la croissance et les investissements publics. Dans la première partie, nous discutons des racines de l'explosion de la dette publique italienne, des tentatives de consolidation budgétaire du pays dans les années 1990 et au début des années 2000, et enfin des effets de la grande récession et de l'austérité budgétaire. Dans la deuxième partie, nous identifions les faiblesses structurelles de l'économie italienne. Nous soulignons notamment le biais de spécialisation vers les secteurs à faible technologie, le « nanisme » des entreprises italiennes, la mauvaise allocation des talents et des ressources, la fracture Nord-Sud et ses conséquences sur le marché du travail. Nous concluons par quelques recommandations politiques pour une relance de la croissance en Italie. Notre première proposition plaide pour des politiques industrielles favorisant l'accumulation des connaissances et l'apprentissage. La deuxième proposition prévoit une nouvelle règle d'or budgétaire européenne qui exclurait certains investissements publics spécifiques du calcul du solde primaire structurel. Notre troisième proposition porte sur la réglementation du marché du travail et préconise l'introduction d'un salaire minimum d'une part, et la facilitation des politiques de reconversion professionnelle d'autre part. Notre quatrième proposition souligne la nécessité de parachever l'Union bancaire et de résoudre le problème des prêts non performants afin d'améliorer la solidité du secteur bancaire italien. Enfin, nous concluons que le sort de l'Italie est inextricablement lié à celui de l'Europe et que l'Italie a besoin de davantage d'Europe pour échapper à son endettement élevé et à son faible taux de croissance.

Publié en 2019-05 Collection Working paper de l'OFCE : 08/2019
CONSOLI Davide
MARIN Giovanni
RENTOCCHINI Francesco
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This study contributes to the literature on routinization and employment by capturing within- occupation task changes over the period 1980-2010. The main contribution is the measurement of such changes combining two data sources on occupational task content for the United States: the Dictionary of Occupational Titles and the Occupational Information Network. We show that within-occupation task change: i) accounts for 1/3 of the decline in routine-task use; ii) accelerates in the 1990s, decelerates in the 2000s but with significant catching-up; iii) is associated with educational upgrading in several dimensions and iv) allows escaping the employment decline conditional on initial routine-task intensity.

Depuis 20 ans, l’Italie apparaît prisonnière d’une faible croissance, d’un endettement élevé et de faiblesses structurelles, exacerbées par la Grande récession de 2008. Ainsi, en 2018, le PIB par habitant en volume, corrigé des parités de pouvoir d’achat, atteint le même niveau qu’en 1999 (graphique 1). L’Italie est désormais devancée par l’Espagne ; elle est également le seul des quatre grands pays de la zone euro qui n’a pas retrouvé son niveau d’avant-crise. Dans un Policy brief intitulé « Italie : sortir du double piège de l’endettement élevé et de la faible croissance », après avoir étudié l’historique de l’endettement public, nous tentons de cerner les causes de la stagnation italienne, qui s’illustre également par la baisse de la productivité globale des facteurs (graphique 2). Le graphique 2 montre que cette productivité globale des facteurs en Italie a connu une baisse cumulée de 7,9 % au cours des 20 dernières années. Ceci contraste avec les gains d’efficacité enregistrés en France et en Allemagne, où la productivité a augmenté respectivement de 4,1 % et 7,9 %.

Publié en 2019-05 Collection Working paper de l'OFCE : 07/2019
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With its public debt amounting to 132.1% of GDP and its negative productivity growth over the last twenty years, Italy appears to be the sick man of the European Union. In this Policy brief, we focus on its two main plights: high public debt burden on the one hand, sluggish GDP and productivity growth on the other hand. Both issues are intimately related: a slow growth limits the budgetary margins and casts doubts on public debt sustainability; the reduced fiscal space in turn weighs on growth and public investment. The first part is dedicated to describing the history and causes of Italian public debt. A first phase, from the 1960s to the 1980s, was characterized by a positive but moderate growth of debt. A second phase saw the explosion of public debt, from 54% of GDP in 1980 to roughly 117% in 1994. The budget law of the Amato's government in 1992 initiated a third phase, marked by a significant fiscal consolidation effort, and the decrease of the public debt to GDP ratio. The Great Recession interrupted this consolidation era and a last phase began from 2008 on, when the public debt-to-GDP ratio consequently increased. In the second part, we review some of the structural weaknesses of the Italian economy. We notably emphasize the specialization bias towards low tech sectors, the “nanism” of Italian firms, the misallocation of talents and resources, the North-South divide and its related labor market consequences. We conclude with four policy recommendations for a revival of growth in Italy. Our first proposal is technical and proposes a new European fiscal golden rule which would remove specific public investments from the computation of structural primary balance. Our second and third proposals are related to the regulation of the labor market, with the introduction of a minimum wage on the one hand, and the facilitation of retraining policies on the other hand. Last, we call for a revival of industrial policies in order to foster knowledge accumulation and firm learning. Our view is that Italy's fate is inextricably related to Europe's and that Italy needs more rather than less Europe.

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With public debt amounting to 132.1% of GDP and negative productivity growth over the last twenty years, Italy appears to be stuck in a high-debt and low-growth trap. We focus on the causes of Italy's two main economic plights and discuss how they are intimately related: a slow growth limits the budgetary margins and casts doubts on public debt sustainability; the reduced fiscal space and the tight fiscal rules in turn weighs on growth and public investment. In the first part, we discuss the roots of the explosion of Italian public debt, the country's consolidation attempts in the 1990s and early 2000s and finally, the effects of the Great Recession and fiscal austerity. In the second part, we identify the structural weaknesses of the Italian economy. We notably emphasize the specialization bias towards low tech sectors, the “nanism” of Italian firms, the misallocation of talents and resources, the North-South divide and its related labor market consequences. We conclude with some policy recommendations for a revival of growth in Italy. Our first proposal calls for industrial policies which foster knowledge accumulation and firm learning. The second proposal envisages a new European fiscal golden rule which would remove specific public investments from the computation of structural primary balance. Our third proposal is instead related to labor market regulation, and advocates for the introduction of a minimum wage on the one hand, and the facilitation of retraining policies on the other hand. Our fourth proposal highlights the need to complete the banking union and to solve the issue of non-performing loans in order to improve the robustness of the Italian banking sector. Lastly, we conclude that Italy's fate is inextricably related to Europe's and that Italy needs more rather than less Europe to escape its high-debt and low-growth trap

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This paper investigates the effect of energy liberalization, compared to other drivers, on policies that support renewable energy in a long panel of OECD countries. We estimate this effect by accounting for the endogeneity of liberalization related to joint decisions within a country’s energy strategy. Using regulation in other industries as instruments, we find that energy liberalization increases public support for renewable energy. The effect of liberalization is the second largest after the effect of per-capita income and is mostly driven by reductions in entry barriers, while the effect of privatization is unclear. This finding suggests that a reduction in the monopolistic power of state-owned utilities has a positive effect on renewable energy policies when various types of actors are ensured access to the grid instead of it being provided to only a few large private firms.

Political acceptability is an essential issue in choosing appropriate climate policies. Sociologists and behavioural scientists recognize the importance of selecting environmental policies that have broad political support, while economists tend to compare different instruments first on the basis of their efficiency, and then by assessing their distributional impacts and thus their political acceptability. This paper examines case-study and empirical evidence that the job losses ascribed (correctly or incorrectly) to climate policies have substantial impacts on the willingness of affected workers to support these policies. In aggregate, the costs of these losses are significantly smaller than the benefits, both in terms of health and, probably, of labour market outcomes, but the losses are concentrated in specific areas, sectors and social groups that have been hit hard by the great recession and international competition. Localized contextual effects, such as peer group pressure, and politico-economic factors, such as weakened unions and tightened government budgets, amplify the strength and the persistence of the ‘job-killing’ argument. Compensating for the effects of climate policies on ‘left-behind’ workers appears to be the key priority to increase the political acceptability of such policies, but the design of compensatory policies poses serious challenges.

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