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  • TIBERJ Vincent (2)
  • VAN HAUWAERT Steven M. (2)
  • AMENGAY Abdelkarim (1)
  • LÉVÊQUE Sandrine (1)
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  • Article (3)
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in Revue française de science politique Publié en 2017
AMENGAY Abdelkarim
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Le « Radical Right Gender Gap » désigne la moindre propension des femmes à voter pour les droites radicales. C’était vrai du temps de Jean-Marie Le Pen, moins depuis que sa fille lui a succédé. À l’élection présidentielle de 2012, les électrices ont autant voté pour elle que les électeurs, toutes choses égales par ailleurs. Puis l’écart est revenu aux élections intermédiaires qui ont suivi et il a de nouveau disparu à l’élection présidentielle de 2017. Cet article cherche à comprendre ces variations en croisant les effets du genre, de l’appartenance générationnelle et des traits de personnalité sur le vote Le Pen, à partir des French Election Studies (1988-2017).

in West European Politics Publié en 2019-04
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The results of the 2017 presidential and legislative elections represent an important shift in French politics. For the first time in the history of the 5th French Republic, the candidates of the two traditional governing parties were disqualified during the first round of the presidential elections. The duel between a centrist and a radical-right candidate in the second round of the elections constitutes an unprecedented configuration. Moreover, there was a record parliamentary renewal after the 2017 legislative elections, as well as a feminisation of the National Assembly with 38.8 per cent of women among the deputies. At the same time, abstention for the legislative elections reached a new record high. Overall, the results of the French elections in 2017 could point to major shifts in the party system, as well as to a renewal of the French political elite, and to an enduring malaise between French citizens and their political representatives.

This article asserts that the impact of generational replacement on gendered political participation patterns is not sufficiently taken into account by existing analyses of participatory gender inequalities. In this longitudinal study, gender and generational differences in French protest patterns are systematically examined. The article tackles two interrelated questions: what is the impact of generational replacement on gender differences in political action in France, and from an individual-level perspective, how do we explain the different participation levels from different generations of women and men? A longitudinal quantitative analysis of survey data from the European Values Study from 1981 to 2008 confirms the significance of generational differences as well as the multi-dimensionality of participatory gender differences.

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1er paragraphe : place qu’occupent les femmes dans la vie publique en Europe s’est fondamentalement transformée au cours du XXe siècle. Leur niveau d’éducation ainsi que leur taux de participation au marché du travail ont considérablement augmenté. Toutefois, comparées aux hommes, elles s’engagent toujours globalement moins dans la vie politique. Cet écart mesurable et persistant, dit « gender gap » politique, est un paradoxe bien connu des sciences sociales. Or, les travaux existants se limitent souvent à examiner des cas isolés et ne proposent que rarement une perspective historique.

in La déconnexion électorale Publié en 2017-04
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Lors des élections régionales de 2015, les femmes ont pris un peu plus de place : la parité est obligatoire et chaque liste électorale doit présenter une alternance à part égale de candidates et de candidats. À l’issue du scrutin, trois femmes sont élues présidentes de région (Carole Delga dans le Languedoc-Roussillon –Midi-Pyrénées, Marie-Guite Dufay en Bourgogne –Franche-Comté et Valérie Pécresse en Île-de-France) alors qu’il n’y en avait qu’une seule auparavant (Marie-Guite Dufay). Cette évolution laisse croire qu’en matière de responsabilités politiques au niveau régional, les femmes françaises, après avoir été longtemps écartées, jouent désormais un plus grand rôle face à leurs homologues masculins. Mais qu’en est-il de l’autre côté des urnes, du côté des électrices ? Les Françaises participent-elles davantage à la vie politique en 2015 qu’auparavant ? De même, les femmes d’aujourd’hui ont-elles désormais un rapport au politique similaire à celui des hommes ? (Premier paragraphe)

1ères lignes : Manuel devenu classique dans l’enseignement de la politique comparée à l’échelle internationale et rédigé par deux grands comparatistes, la troisième édition de Foundations of Comparative Politics reste un support solide pour les enseignements d’introduction à la politique comparée.

Publié en 2018-08
ACHIN Catherine
LÉPINARD Éléonore
LÉVÊQUE Sandrine
MAZUR Amy G.
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This paper takes a mixed methods approach to address the puzzle of the persistence of gender imbalance in political recruitment and elections in the case of French parity sanctions in the National Assembly Elections from 2002 to 2017. Based on a “concurrent nested strategy” (Cresswell 2003), we use a national level qualitative analysis of the candidate selection process and the implementation of parity sanctions against political parties; quantitative analyses of the socio-economic profiles of French representatives and candidates in the National Assembly in relation to their political party affiliation; and field-work in three legislatives constituencies, two in Paris and one in Burgundy on the candidate selection process for the 2017 legislative elections to identify gendered time and money constraints. The study shows the limits of parity reform, the resistance of established gendered practices in political parties at all levels and the value of using mixed methods analysis for solving the puzzle of gender imbalance in political representation and for the study of the Comparative Politics of Gender more broadly speaking.

Participatory gender inequalities have long been a field of study. We distinguish between institutional and non-institutional forms of political participation, while we further analyse the multidimensionality of gender differences within both. We focus on the role of context and we argue that different interpretations of context can affect the conditionality of the relationship between gender and political participation. To further explore these inequalities throughout Europe, we ask three distinct questions. To what extent do participatory gender inequalities show crosscountry patterns of variation? Which contextual variables affect participatory inequality across gender lines and how can we describe their influence? To what extent is the rapport between participatory gender inequalities and contextual variables different according to the form of political participation? Our analysis – based on a multilevel model and ESS data – indicates that while favourable economic, political and social factors reduce participatory gender inequalities, they only do so for non-institutional participatory gender inequalities. Overall, we confirm the multi-dimensionality of participatory gender differences, as well as the importance of context as a conditioning effect.

In the late 20th century, there have been major social transformations in European societies but the new status of women is one of the most outspoken ones. In most advanced Western democracies, new cohorts of female political participants have been socialised in societies with drastically increasing levels of education for women, increasing degrees of female labour market participation, more egalitarian gender roles, and where politics is not just a men’s business anymore. However, existing analyses of participatory gender inequalities rarely take on a larger historical perspective to take into account social change, such as the changing role of women in society and generational change, since most of them are single-country studies with a cross-sectional research design. Hence, none of these studies do make comparisons over time and as a consequence they do not distinguish between the impact of cohort, life cycle and period effects for participatory gender inequalities. This paper proposes therefore a longitudinal and comparative research design to investigate how generational replacement shapes the evolution of gender differences in political participation in Western Europe. Theoretically, it aims to test the hypothesis on the existence of a “gender generation gap” in political participation in Western Europe. Empirically, it distinguishes cohort from life cycle and period effects. Yet, any model that includes all three effects will be “underidentified” since one is unable to tell from survey data which of the three factors of age (years since birth), period (survey year), or cohort (birth year) is generating any changes to the dependent variable, here political participation. In fact, the well-documented problem with age-period-cohort (APC) models is that only two of the basic effects can be identified. This paper resolves this methodological problem by using Elias Dinas’ and Laura Stoker’s design-based approach to identifying cohort effects in APC analyses (Dinas and Stoker 2014) and by using existing longitudinal and comparative survey data from the European Values Study (1981-2008).

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