Coauthor
  • LÉVÊQUE Sandrine (3)
  • ACHIN Catherine (3)
  • LÉPINARD Éléonore (3)
  • MAZUR Amy (3)
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Document Type
  • Conference contribution (9)
  • Article (4)
  • Part or chapter of a book (2)
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in French Politics Publication date 2020-03
MAZUR Amy
LÉPINARD Éléonore
ACHIN Catherine
LÉVÊQUE Sandrine
19
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This article assesses the pre-adoption, adoption, implementation and impact of party parity penalties established in 2002 to promote gender equality in the National Assembly. The analysis argues that while the penalties were implemented and increased over the years and had some success in enhancing women’s numerical representation, from 12.3% of all MPs in 2002 to 38.7% in 2017, rather than being “more than meets the eye,” the parity sanctions were actually far less. The limited scope and authority of the parity penalties and the gender-biased norms of key gatekeepers and political elites in the political parties and the high courts have circumscribed the extent of the progress in women’s numerical representation and the quality of that representation; women MPs in the National Assembly still remain marginalized in a variety of ways in comparison with their male counterparts. Thus, the outcome of the party parity sanctions, in GEPP terms, is “gender accommodation” over “transformation.”

in LSE - The London School of Economics and Political Science - EUROPP Publication date 2019-10-07
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1rst lines: The traditional left-right divide which shaped political competition across Europe in the post-war period is increasingly being supplanted by new patterns of competition. Drawing on the experience of the 2019 European Parliament elections, Anja Durovic, Caterina Froio, Gilles Ivaldi, Sarah de Lange, Nonna Mayer and Jan Rovny explain that one of the more interesting developments is the way that old divides have taken on new meaning in European politics. Urban-rural, education and gender divisions are now key elements in the split between urban cosmopolitanism, represented by Green or Liberal parties, and more peripherally concentrated nativist traditionalism, represented by the radical right.

in Gendered Electoral Financing Edited by MURIAAS Ragnhild, WANG Vibeke, MURRAY Rainbow Publication date 2019-07
ACHIN Catherine
LÉPINARD Éléonore
LÉVÊQUE Sandrine
MAZUR Amy
39
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0
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This chapter examines how parity sanctions targeted at the major political parties since 2002 have impacted gendered processes of nomination. It also investigates how gender plays a role in individual decisions to seek nomination and run for office with a focus on whether the most recent increase in parity sanctions in the 2017 elections matter for promoting gender equality. While financial sanctions played a role in increasing the number of female candidates, especially for left-wing and small political parties, we argue that the massive increase in women’s presence in the 2017 election cycle is mostly due to other factors, like the radical changes in the political party system in 2017. The chapter first highlights the context for parity reform debates and the implementation set by general campaign financing regulation and electoral reforms. Next, it assesses the relative effects of the financial sanctions as compared to other electoral reforms and other important changes in the political landscape. In the last section, we apply a more micro-sociological analysis to the three constituencies to examine campaign financing and recruitment processes in the 2017 elections. The conclusion discusses the implications of this study for gender equality in political life in France.

in West European Politics Publication date 2019-04
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The results of the 2017 presidential and legislative elections represent an important shift in French politics. For the first time in the history of the 5th French Republic, the candidates of the two traditional governing parties were disqualified during the first round of the presidential elections. The duel between a centrist and a radical-right candidate in the second round of the elections constitutes an unprecedented configuration. Moreover, there was a record parliamentary renewal after the 2017 legislative elections, as well as a feminisation of the National Assembly with 38.8 per cent of women among the deputies. At the same time, abstention for the legislative elections reached a new record high. Overall, the results of the French elections in 2017 could point to major shifts in the party system, as well as to a renewal of the French political elite, and to an enduring malaise between French citizens and their political representatives.

Publication date 2018-08 Conferance name APSA
ACHIN Catherine
LÉPINARD Éléonore
LÉVÊQUE Sandrine
MAZUR Amy
28
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0
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This paper takes a mixed methods approach to address the puzzle of the persistence of gender imbalance in political recruitment and elections in the case of French parity sanctions in the National Assembly Elections from 2002 to 2017. Based on a “concurrent nested strategy” (Cresswell 2003), we use a national level qualitative analysis of the candidate selection process and the implementation of parity sanctions against political parties; quantitative analyses of the socio-economic profiles of French representatives and candidates in the National Assembly in relation to their political party affiliation; and field-work in three legislatives constituencies, two in Paris and one in Burgundy on the candidate selection process for the 2017 legislative elections to identify gendered time and money constraints. The study shows the limits of parity reform, the resistance of established gendered practices in political parties at all levels and the value of using mixed methods analysis for solving the puzzle of gender imbalance in political representation and for the study of the Comparative Politics of Gender more broadly speaking.

1ères lignes : Manuel devenu classique dans l’enseignement de la politique comparée à l’échelle internationale et rédigé par deux grands comparatistes, la troisième édition de Foundations of Comparative Politics reste un support solide pour les enseignements d’introduction à la politique comparée.

In the late 20th century, there have been major social transformations in European societies but the new status of women is one of the most outspoken ones. In most advanced Western democracies, new cohorts of female political participants have been socialised in societies with drastically increasing levels of education for women, increasing degrees of female labour market participation, more egalitarian gender roles, and where politics is not just a men’s business anymore. However, existing analyses of participatory gender inequalities rarely take on a larger historical perspective to take into account social change, such as the changing role of women in society and generational change, since most of them are single-country studies with a cross-sectional research design. Hence, none of these studies do make comparisons over time and as a consequence they do not distinguish between the impact of cohort, life cycle and period effects for participatory gender inequalities. This paper proposes therefore a longitudinal and comparative research design to investigate how generational replacement shapes the evolution of gender differences in political participation in Western Europe. Theoretically, it aims to test the hypothesis on the existence of a “gender generation gap” in political participation in Western Europe. Empirically, it distinguishes cohort effects from life cycle and period effects. Yet, any model that includes all three effects will be “underidentified” since one is unable to tell from survey data which of the three factors of age (years since birth), period (survey year), or cohort (birth year) is generating any changes to the dependent variable, here political participation. In fact, the well-documented problem with age-period-cohort (APC) models is that only two of the basic effects can be identified. This paper resolves this methodological problem by using Elias Dinas’ and Laura Stoker’s design-based approach to identifying cohort effects in APC analyses (Dinas and Stoker 2014) and by using existing longitudinal and comparative survey data from the European Values Study (1981-2008).

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1er paragraphe : place qu’occupent les femmes dans la vie publique en Europe s’est fondamentalement transformée au cours du XXe siècle. Leur niveau d’éducation ainsi que leur taux de participation au marché du travail ont considérablement augmenté. Toutefois, comparées aux hommes, elles s’engagent toujours globalement moins dans la vie politique. Cet écart mesurable et persistant, dit « gender gap » politique, est un paradoxe bien connu des sciences sociales. Or, les travaux existants se limitent souvent à examiner des cas isolés et ne proposent que rarement une perspective historique.

In the late 20th century, there have been major social transformations in European societies but the new status of women is one of the most outspoken ones. In most advanced Western democracies, new cohorts of female political participants have been socialised in societies with drastically increasing levels of education for women, increasing degrees of female labour market participation, more egalitarian gender roles, and where politics is not just a men’s business anymore. However, existing analyses of participatory gender inequalities rarely take on a larger historical perspective to take into account social change, such as the changing role of women in society and generational change, since most of them are single-country studies with a cross-sectional research design. Hence, none of these studies do make comparisons over time and as a consequence they do not distinguish between the impact of cohort, life cycle and period effects for participatory gender inequalities. This paper proposes therefore a longitudinal and comparative research design to investigate how generational replacement shapes the evolution of gender differences in political participation in Western Europe. Theoretically, it aims to test the hypothesis on the existence of a “gender generation gap” in political participation in Western Europe. Empirically, it distinguishes cohort from life cycle and period effects. Yet, any model that includes all three effects will be “underidentified” since one is unable to tell from survey data which of the three factors of age (years since birth), period (survey year), or cohort (birth year) is generating any changes to the dependent variable, here political participation. In fact, the well-documented problem with age-period-cohort (APC) models is that only two of the basic effects can be identified. This paper resolves this methodological problem by using Elias Dinas’ and Laura Stoker’s design-based approach to identifying cohort effects in APC analyses (Dinas and Stoker 2014) and by using existing longitudinal and comparative survey data from the European Values Study (1981-2008).

This article asserts that the impact of generational replacement on gendered political participation patterns is not sufficiently taken into account by existing analyses of participatory gender inequalities. In this longitudinal study, gender and generational differences in French protest patterns are systematically examined. The article tackles two interrelated questions: what is the impact of generational replacement on gender differences in political action in France, and from an individual-level perspective, how do we explain the different participation levels from different generations of women and men? A longitudinal quantitative analysis of survey data from the European Values Study from 1981 to 2008 confirms the significance of generational differences as well as the multi-dimensionality of participatory gender differences.

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