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in Accounting for the Varieties of Volunteering. New Global Statistical Standards Tested Sous la direction de GUIDI Riccardo, FONOVIĆ Ksenija, CAPPADOZZI Tania Publié en 2021-07
BIORCIO Roberto
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Volunteer Activism Influence Political Attitudes and Behavior? In this chapter, we propose a reflection on the relationship between volunteering and political participation. We will ask ourselves whether the specific traits that characterize volunteer engagement in various forms, individual or associative networks, interpersonal links, and the cultures that develop through these activities can influence political attitudes and different forms of political participation. In recent years, Italian citizens have scarcely harboured positive feelings toward politics but have rather exhibited indifference and often anger toward parties and representative institutions. Their willingness to participate has not diminished, 14 has rather taken on other forms quite different from the parties themselves (volunteering, associations, movements). These tendencies had already begun manifesting themselves in Italy in the 1980s with the growth of volunteer commitment at a social, individual, or group level. The weight of social volunteering, oriented to the production of public goods, has increased in the last 20 years, while the influence of political parties has been reduced, and the forms of citizens’ participation have been transformed. In general, a considerable amount of research indicates a significant relationship between volunteering and political participation. However, the relationship can take several different forms and meanings depending upon the type of association to which the volunteers are linked and the possible ways of expressing political participation. On the other hand, a hypothesis may also be put forth that volunteering and political commitment are both influenced by the same social conditions of the volunteers as well as by the territorial contexts in which they operate. Based on the survey results of the Istat Aspects of Daily Life (ADL) of 2013, this chapter shows proofs of a socialisation effects of volunteering on political skills and behaviour, reducing inequalities in political participation. Especially, an inclusive group’s style reduces the effects of exclusion from democratic political participation structured by social inequalities. In 2013, associationism was confirmed as a true school of democracy, namely, for the work- ing classes. Finally, we note that political and social participation differ in relation to their distribution on the respondents’ respective territories. The levels of latent and visible political participation can be significantly influenced by the levels of civicness that traditionally differentiate across the Italian regions, as has been noted since the beginning of Putnam’s research in the 1980s. However, in all regional areas, the experience of volunteering and participation in social associations increases political participation. The influence of this experience is much more relevant in the southern regions where a more limited level of civic participation is traditionally reported. In territories where civicism is lower, not only associationism itself play a fundamental role in the production of public goods, but it also serves as a fundamental driver of the socialization to democratic values and practices, even more so than in other parts of the Bel Paese.

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The pandemic caused by the rapid spread of the Covid-19 virus has revealed impacts well beyond those linked to health. Indeed, it has established itself as what Mauss called a "total social fact", that is, an event that affects every single aspect of society. In this editorial we present some initial reflections on the myriad ways in which the pandemic will affect the State and the relationship between States and citizens as played out in spheres of everyday life. We begin with a brief historical overview of pandemics and the patterns, contradictions and lessons they have left, before looking at the crisis context in which the current pandemic is unfolding. We then take a look at the myriad ways in which the pandemic underlines, emphasises and exacerbates a fundamental rift in the relationship between states and citizens by discussing risk, expertise, communication, de- and re-politicisation and more. We conclude by asking ourselves if - beyond the liberal democracy vs autocracy dichotomy - the Post-Covid scenario may conduce toward a new social contract. Finally, we look to existing sociological work that might provide fruitful in moving forward to address this rift, and provide brief overviews of the contributions in this direction from the authors in this special issue.

in Partecipazione e conflitto Sous la direction de ALTERI Luca, PARKS Louisa, RAFFINI Luca, VITALE Tommaso Publié en 2021-06
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The articles in this Special Issue are organised around two main subtopics linked to how the pandemic relates to the dynamics of existing crises: the governance of the Covid-19 pandemic, and political scenarios after the pandemic. Table of contents:

in Cogito Research Magazine Publié en 2021-03-16
LEGROS Olivier
BERGERON Céline
LIÈVRE Marion
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First lines: Generally speaking, the presence of foreigners in precarious situations appears to be a recurring problem for local governments. More than the difficulties encountered by migrants, it is the “vision of foreign poverty” that raises concerns(1). Public officials therefore often pursue interventions that oscillate between conditional integration and “expulsion”. While these policies are fairly well documented, their medium and long-term effects remain obscure. Yet these policies, combining acts of rejection (evacuation of shantytowns, expulsion of people) with local housing and inclusion policy instruments, have serious consequences on the lives of the people concerned. Drawing on this observation, we undertook a research project* aiming to study these effects by examining the case of Roma migrants in French, Italian and Spanish cities.

in Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies Publié en 2021-03
VACCA Raffaele
CANARTE David
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Whether presented as ethnic ‘solidarity’ or ‘segregation’, the idea that migrants’ social world is dominated by tightly-knit, homogeneous, and supportive networks of kin and co-ethnics is common in scholarly and public discourse around migration, particularly for minorities with a history of marginalisation, segregation, and stigmatisation. We test this idea using results from the first survey of personal networks in one of the most stigmatised immigrant minorities in the Western world: Roma migrants in Europe. Analysing data on 119 Romanian Roma migrants in France and their 3,570 social ties, we identify typical structures of personal communities, describe the distribution and association of different dimensions of social support, and estimate multilevel models to identify determinants of support in this population. We find that, even in contexts of strong marginalisation and stigmatisation, the hypotheses of ethnic solidarity, sociodemographic homophily, and network closure are inadequate to explain the way migrants obtain social support. Instead, Romanian Roma in France appear much closer to the model of ‘networked individualism’ and similar to middle classes in Western ethnic majorities, as they strategically maintain diverse and far-flung networks, choose forms of elective belonging in local contexts, and mobilise different social ties for different, specialised types of support.

in Journal of Urban Affairs Publié en 2021-03
PRATSCHKE Jonathan
MORELLI Niccolo
PIOLATTO Matteo
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After the 2018 general election, several scholars remarked on the failure of the 5 Star Movement (5SM) to increase its vote in Milan. While the role of demographic and socioeconomic factors has been highlighted, little attention has been devoted to spatial dynamics. The authors analyze the greater city of Milan using a new set of spatial units that capture the characteristics of the local populations which voted at specific polling stations. They regress support for the 5SM in each electoral district on a range of demographic, socioeconomic and spatial variables. The results show that more disadvantaged districts just outside the municipality have a strong propensity to support the 5SM. Many of the individuals and families living in these areas were negatively affected by economic crisis and continue to experience strain. These are not places of extreme marginality but have unsatisfied needs that are largely ignored by the traditional parties.

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Les vingt dernières années ont été traversées par différentes dynamiques : la réduction massive de la consommation de lait et, dans une moindre mesure, de produits laitiers ; des attitudes de plus en plus négatives à l’égard du lait ; aucune revendication pour une production abordable et publique du lait ; le développement d’une vaste discussion à propos des risques qui seraient associés à la consommation de lactose ; et des batailles sémantiques autour des alternatives que constituent les « laits » non laitiers. Ces nouvelles attitudes n’ont pas été systématiquement étudiées. Nous explorons ici les liens entre la consommation de lait et de produits laitiers, les préoccupations en matière de santé et la confiance dans l’expertise médicale. À partir d’un sondage en ligne auprès des populations jeunes et éduquées en Italie (N=378), nous avons analysé : la consommation de lait et de produits laitiers, les attitudes envers les arguments portés par les mouvements végans, les attitudes envers l’expertise médicale et la confiance dans les conseils dispensés par les médecins. Les résultats ont mis en évidence que les mouvements antispécistes et végans sont assez peu connus des consommateurs. Les données ont montré que les idées et les concepts des mouvements anti-lait avaient un impact limité sur notre échantillon. Les résultats soulignent que la réduction de la consommation de lait est due à des préoccupations en matière de santé et à une perception défavorable des apports en lactose et, additionnellement, à une méfiance générale envers l’expertise médicale et les arguments fondés sur des preuves. En effet, nous observons une tendance à l’auto-diagnostic pour les intolérances et les allergies, une tendance chez les populations jeunes et éduquées qui mettent en doute le rôle des médecins et du savoir médical dans l’accompagnement diététique. L’analyse des schémas de consommation et de motivation montre clairement que des considérations liées à la santé, et non à des opinions politiques, sont derrière les restrictions des jeunes italiens en matière de produits laitiers. Un consumérisme orienté vers la recherche d’une meilleure santé a émergé, un concept qui fonctionne mieux que celui de consumérisme politique pour interpréter nos résultats.

The empirical analyses and in-depth studies on volunteering in Italy and Europe are well developed. We are witnessing an acceleration of dynamics that could already be seen emerging in the previous decade. An all-encompassing volunteering, increasingly capable of radiating strength and energy into every sector of our collective life. Increasingly effective, but also more demanding in terms of time and skills. Which engages few people, few young people, and which is more and more time consuming for those who are engagedd. Based on small, highly cohesive groups that engage positively and synergistically with problems, volunteering has recently been studied from multiple angles and perspectives, not least for the skills it develops, and for its ability to reduce inequalities in political participation. The pandemic, however, has made two major tensions more evident than ever, that relating to problems of conventions' transmission and that relating to sociality.

Le racisme à l'égard des Roms est celui qui suscite le moins de réprobation dans la population française, selon un rapport de la CNCDH. Décryptage.

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1rst lines: Nel dibattito italiano attuale sulla gestione della crisi sanitaria, economica e sociale e sulle prospettive di sviluppo per il Paese c’è un punto che non è stato ancora evidenziato ma che appare invece cruciale: le proposte e le idee emerse sin qui, tanto dal governo e dagli attori politici quanto da molti osservatori esterni ed esperti, si concentrano molto sul cosa fare – su obiettivi e misure – ma sembrano trascurare il come. Il problema, cioè, è che si ragiona solo su obiettivi e azioni come se queste potessero essere slegate l’una dall’altra: fondi a pioggia sugli obiettivi, tante risorse alla capitalizzazione di impresa, molte idee sull'innovazione e su alcune misure bandiera, ma nessun incentivo a configurazioni pattizie nei territori, poca riflessione sulle modalità di costruire mercati locali e non, nessuna cura seria delle modalità di governo e delle regole di vincolo inclusivo nella programmazione, assenza di valutazione delle conseguenze e degli effetti perversi imprevisti delle azioni intraprese. Il rischio di un tale impostazione è che le misure, persino dove siano pensate per obiettivi opportuni, semplicemente falliscano nella loro capacità di produrre sviluppo locale poiché esse non generano meccanismi di integrazione e sinergia tra gli attori. Un tale fallimento, a fronte di una spesa pubblica così rilevante, avrebbe esiti tragici in termini di perdita di valore aggiunto manifatturiero e nell’economia dei servizi, incremento dell’insicurezza sociale e della domanda di autoritarismo e ulteriore riduzione delle opportunità per le giovani generazioni.

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