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  • SCHMOLL Camille (6)
  • GUIRAUDON Virginie (3)
  • WIHTOL DE WENDEN Catherine (3)
  • JAULIN Thibaut (2)
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  • Partie ou chapitre de livre (18)
  • Article (13)
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in Migration, Urbanity and Cosmopolitanism in a Globalized World Sous la direction de LEJEUNE Catherine, PAGÈS-EL KAROUI Delphine, SCHMOLL Camille, THIOLLET Hélène Publié en 2021-05-25
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Mass migration to the Gulf cities has produced, over time, de facto cosmopolitan situations. Even though cosmopolitanism is somewhat present in national narratives and official propaganda, foreign residents face exclusionary contexts where policies and practices keep them excluded from the national community. This chapter unpacks the internal tensions characteristic of cosmopolitanism in the exclusionary contexts of the Gulf by comparing cities in the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia. These tensions operate within migrants’ everyday practices and modes of consumption in urban spaces. We argue that these practices are best understood as a form of segregated cosmopolitanism through which the different migrant communities both acknowledge (and at times consume) urban diversity and maintain certain boundaries. Building upon the analysis of discourses and ethnographic fieldwork in Abu Dhabi, Riyadh and Jeddah, this research engages with theories of cosmopolitanism from a situated perspective. It moves away from the classical, normative approach to cosmopolitanism and highlights the fragility of everyday cosmopolitan situations.

Sous la direction de LEJEUNE Catherine, PAGÈS-EL KAROUI Delphine, SCHMOLL Camille, THIOLLET Hélène Publié en 2021-05-25 Collection IMISCOE Research Series
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This open access book draws a theoretically productive triangle between urban studies, theories of cosmopolitanism, and migration studies in a global context. It provides a unique, encompassing and situated view on the various relations between cosmopolitanism and urbanity in the contemporary world. Drawing on a variety of cities in Latin America, Europe, Asia, Africa and North America, it overcomes the Eurocentric bias that has marked debate on cosmopolitanism from its inception. The contributions highlight the crucial role of migrants as actors of urban change and targets of urban policies, thus reconciling empirical and normative approaches to cosmopolitanism. By addressing issues such as cosmopolitanism and urban geographies of power, locations and temporalities of subaltern cosmopolites, political meanings and effects of cosmopolitan practices and discourses in urban contexts, it revisits contemporary debates on superdiversity, urban stratification and local incorporation, and assess the role of migration and mobility in globalization and social change.

in Migration, Urbanity and Cosmopolitanism in a Globalized World Sous la direction de LEJEUNE Catherine, PAGÈS-EL KAROUI Delphine, SCHMOLL Camille, THIOLLET Hélène Publié en 2021-05-25
LEJEUNE Catherine
PAGÈS-EL KAROUI Delphine
SCHMOLL Camille
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Globalization and migration have generated acute and often contradictory changes: they have increased social diversity while inducing global homogenization; they have sharpened differentiation of spaces and statuses while accelerating and amplifying communication and circulations; they have induced more complex social stratification while enriching individual and collective identities. These changes happen to be strikingly visible in cities. Urban contexts, indeed, offer privileged sites of inquiry to understanding the social dynamics of globalization, informal belonging and local citizenships, transient and multi-layered identities, symbolic orders and exclusionary practices. But cities are also material sites and they create multisensorial scapes that shape experiences of globalization and social change. They operate through multiple scales, connecting horizontal extensions and vertical layers of the city with generic, landmark, interstitial and neglected places. Far from being mere contexts, cities are both changing and being changed by migration and globalization.

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Les recherches existantes sur les politiques migratoires portent principalement sur les politiques d’immigration et d’intégration dans les démocraties occidentales. Comme dans les autres domaines des sciences sociales, cet ethnocentrisme est le reflet de la géographie des institutions scientifiques, de l’économie du financement de la recherche et de la politique des publications universitaires. Ces limites, outre les des questions éthiques qu’elles soulèvent, font aussi obstacle à notre compréhension des processus et des dynamiques politiques qui structurent les migrations internationales, en négligeant des réalités empiriques importantes, notamment dans les pays du Sud. Documenter des cas peu étudiés de politiques migratoires dans le monde en développement est une façon évidente de remédier à ce problème. Pour autant, l’avenir de ces recherches ne se résume pas à produire plus de travaux sur les « autres non occidentaux ». Il s’agit aussi d’utiliser des études de cas spécifiques et développer des recherches comparatives entre différents types d’États et contextes politiques. Ces deux approches permettraient de pointer les angles morts de certaines théories et d’ouvrir de nouvelles voies de recherche. Pour ce faire, on pourrait commencer par examiner des contextes politiques en apparence très différents et comparer, si l’on veut, les pommes démocratiques et les poires autoritaires. On pourrait également accorder plus d’attention à l’histoire. Une telle démarche ne prétendrait pas seulement à prendre davantage en compte les cas de pays du Sud, mais permettrait d’élargir, de modifier ou de reformuler les théories développées jusqu’à présent sur les migrations.

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Notre collègue Fariba Adelkhah, chercheuse au CERI a fait des mobilités un de ses terrains d’études privilégiés, ses travaux les plus récents portant sur la circulation des clercs chiites entre l’Afghanistan, l’Iran et l’Irak. Elle aurait certainement contribué à ce dossier, si elle avait aujourd’hui la possibilité de s’exprimer librement. Il n’en est rien. À défaut de sa contribution et sans nous autoriser à parler pour elle, nous souhaitons vous faire découvrir ou redécouvrir un de ses ouvrages : Les mille et une frontières de l’Iran : quand les voyages forment la nation (2012, Éditions Karthala)(1). Vous en trouverez ici de longs extraits et pourrez profiter de la profondeur, la pétulance et la sensibilité de ce récit.

in Cogito. Le magazine de la recherche Publié en 2020-11-16
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Traditionnellement, l’économie du travail postule que les salaires sont déterminés par l’offre et la demande. Selon cette théorie, à demande constante, l’émigration doit se traduire par une augmentation des salaires dans les pays d’origine (diminution de l’offre de main-d’œuvre). Elle doit aussi entraîner une diminution des salaires dans les pays d’accueil (augmentation de l’offre de main-d’œuvre). Une vision malthusienne de l’économie part également du principe que l’arrivée de main d’œuvre sur un marché de l’emploi contraint laisse certains travailleurs sans emploi ou chasse de leur emploi ceux qui en avaient un. L’opinion selon laquelle l’immigration fait diminuer les salaires des autochtones et génère du chômage est largement répandue. Cependant une théorie concurrente suggère que les immigrants, consommant dans leur pays de destination, donnent lieu à une augmentation de la demande locale, et/ou que la production locale se développe grâce à cette main-d’œuvre supplémentaire. Pour départager ces approches, on peut examiner ce que nous disent les données empiriques sur ce qui se passe à des échelles locales.

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In the past two decades European states have increasingly sought to stem irregular migration to Europe by cooperating with non-European countries to “externalize” migration and asylum management beyond European borders and territories. The externalization of migration policy amounts to delegating border control in third countries, enabling deportations of irregular migrants through readmission agreements (RA), while also including aid and development packages that address the drivers of migration in origin and transit countries. It is unclear, however, whether or under what conditions such policies have had their intended effects. In this paper, we aim to measure how migrant and refugee flows respond to such European externalization of migration and asylum management. Our analyses cover the period of the so-called “migrant” or “refugee crisis” of 2015, which offers a unique context in which to study the relationship between migration policies and flows. After introducing a new database on external migration policy instruments, we use Frontex data to describe the patterns in irregular migration flows, focusing on the spatial and categorical distribution of migrants and refugees from 2009 to 2018. We first introduce a useful distinction between “likely irregular migrants” and “likely refugees”, who both cross borders illegally into Europe. We then explore the extent to which the closure of migration routes led to the rerouting of migration flows. We show that such a phenomenon is actually limited to few nationalities. We eventually argue that externalization policies, although partially effective at reducing the overall number of irregular border crossings into Europe, directly affect “likely refugees” who remain stranded in transit countries or who renounce fleeing their country of origin. Then, we present key policy trends across European states and third countries in regard with externalization. We first argue that the 2015 crisis reinforced existing dynamics of diplomatic engagement and cooperation with third countries in matters of migration and asylum and extended their geographical scope. We then examine the impact of policies on irregular flows. Focusing on the impact of readmission agreements, we contend that bilateral agreements are not effective in limiting irregular migration from the signing countries of origin. However, we also observe that bilateral implemented protocols of EU readmission agreements (EU RA) are associated with fewer irregular border crossings from the relevant third countries. We suggest that this effect can be explained by pre-existing political relations between the parties to the EU readmission agreements and the limited number of irregular border crossers from these nationalities. Overall, our findings call into question the appropriateness of externalization policies as tools for addressing migration issues, in particular large refugee flows in times of crisis.

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Although over time mass migration has brought about de facto cosmopolitan situations in Gulf cities, foreign residents continue to experience segregation and endure exclusionary policies and practices on a daily basis. This article unpacks two sets of internal tensions that characterise cosmopolitanism in the Gulf, through a comparison of cosmopolitan discourses and practices in Abu Dhabi, Riyadh and Jeddah. The first tension relates to official discourses and policies: Saudi and Emirati governments design and enforce exclusionary policies and, at the same time, publicly endorse cosmopolitan ideals and projects—consisting in Islamic universalism for Saudi cities and the rhetoric of tolerance for the United Arab Emirates. Such cosmopolitan claims are, moreover, reflected in the aspirations and subjectivities of migrants and local citizens while also generating feelings of alienation. We call this discursive paradox cosmopolitanism in denial. The second tension concerns migrants' everyday practices and modes of consumption in urban spaces. We argue that these are best understood as a form of segregated cosmopolitanism, whereby both Gulf citizens and the various migrant communities explicitly acknowledge, and at times consume, urban diversity but also maintain certain boundaries. Drawing on an analysis of both governmental and individual discourses, as well as on ethnographic observations collected over a decade of fieldwork in Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, our research engages with theories of cosmopolitanism from a situated perspective. As such, it moves away from the dominant unitary and normative approach to cosmopolitanism and instead emphasises both the resilience and transience of everyday cosmopolitan situations.

in Renewing the Migration Debate: Building disciplinary and geographical bridges to explain global migration Publié en 2020-06 Nom de la conférence KNAW Academy Colloquium
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The focus of research in contemporary international migration and integration politics has long been immigration to Western democracies and their related migration corridors, often defined by colonial history. Just like in any field of social science, the ethnocentrism of this focus mimics the geography of scientific employment and institutions, the economics of research funding and the politics of academic publications. Apart from raising ethical issues, these limitations constrain our understanding of processes and dynamics of international migration politics, both by neglecting empirical realities that are statistically relevant -notably migration politics in the Global South- and by creating methodological and epistemological biases. Documenting less researched cases seems an obvious answer. But the future of research on migration politics is not only about researching “non- Western others” more, and boxing results in an “area” or “comparative” sub-discipline. It is about using single case studies and comparative research across types of states and political contexts to uproot some of the most blinding assumptions of existing migration theories and open new research avenues. This could mean taking migration processes and not political regimes, geographical location or development levels, as the independent variable to construct broad comparative frameworks where migration politics becomes the dependent variable. This could first be achieved by considering seemingly “most different” political contexts across countries, like comparing democratic apples and authoritarian pears. It could secondly be achieved by paying more attention to migration histories across contexts and trace political processes and institutions with great care. As such, a really insurgent and disruptive methodological claim would not be to include more Southern case studies into preexisting paradigms and epistemologies of migration politics but expand, amend or recast migration theories based on the new knowledge generated.

in Les Dossiers du CERI Publié en 2020-05-04
BENKER Elisa
CANTAT Céline
FINE Shoshana
GEMENNE François
JAULIN Thibaut
PÉCOUD Antoine
REDDY Michelle
SAVATIC Filip
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Pour limiter la propagation du coronavirus, la plupart des gouvernements a fermé leurs frontières et multiplié les restrictions de circulation. Un des effets notables de la fermeture des frontières est d’avoir placé nombre d’Européens dans une position - certes temporaire - d’immobilité. Rarement, sauf en temps de guerre, les citoyens européens, dont le passeport permet habituellement de visiter autour de 180 pays sans autorisation préalable, ne s’étaient vu imposer de telles restrictions à leur mobilité, aussi bien vers d’autres continents qu’au sein même de l’ Europe. Cette restriction des mouvements revêt ainsi une dimension inédite : elle s’applique aux populations du nord alors qu’elle s’impose en temps normal aux « migrants » du sud.

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