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  • SCHMOLL Camille (4)
  • GUIRAUDON Virginie (3)
  • WIHTOL DE WENDEN Catherine (3)
  • CANTAT Céline (2)
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  • Part or chapter of a book (16)
  • Article (13)
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Les recherches existantes sur les politiques migratoires portent principalement sur les politiques d’immigration et d’intégration dans les démocraties occidentales. Comme dans les autres domaines des sciences sociales, cet ethnocentrisme est le reflet de la géographie des institutions scientifiques, de l’économie du financement de la recherche et de la politique des publications universitaires. Ces limites, outre les des questions éthiques qu’elles soulèvent, font aussi obstacle à notre compréhension des processus et des dynamiques politiques qui structurent les migrations internationales, en négligeant des réalités empiriques importantes, notamment dans les pays du Sud. Documenter des cas peu étudiés de politiques migratoires dans le monde en développement est une façon évidente de remédier à ce problème. Pour autant, l’avenir de ces recherches ne se résume pas à produire plus de travaux sur les « autres non occidentaux ». Il s’agit aussi d’utiliser des études de cas spécifiques et développer des recherches comparatives entre différents types d’États et contextes politiques. Ces deux approches permettraient de pointer les angles morts de certaines théories et d’ouvrir de nouvelles voies de recherche. Pour ce faire, on pourrait commencer par examiner des contextes politiques en apparence très différents et comparer, si l’on veut, les pommes démocratiques et les poires autoritaires. On pourrait également accorder plus d’attention à l’histoire. Une telle démarche ne prétendrait pas seulement à prendre davantage en compte les cas de pays du Sud, mais permettrait d’élargir, de modifier ou de reformuler les théories développées jusqu’à présent sur les migrations.

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Notre collègue Fariba Adelkhah, chercheuse au CERI a fait des mobilités un de ses terrains d’études privilégiés, ses travaux les plus récents portant sur la circulation des clercs chiites entre l’Afghanistan, l’Iran et l’Irak. Elle aurait certainement contribué à ce dossier, si elle avait aujourd’hui la possibilité de s’exprimer librement. Il n’en est rien. À défaut de sa contribution et sans nous autoriser à parler pour elle, nous souhaitons vous faire découvrir ou redécouvrir un de ses ouvrages : Les mille et une frontières de l’Iran : quand les voyages forment la nation (2012, Éditions Karthala)(1). Vous en trouverez ici de longs extraits et pourrez profiter de la profondeur, la pétulance et la sensibilité de ce récit.

in Cogito. Le magazine de la recherche Publication date 2020-11-16
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Traditionnellement, l’économie du travail postule que les salaires sont déterminés par l’offre et la demande. Selon cette théorie, à demande constante, l’émigration doit se traduire par une augmentation des salaires dans les pays d’origine (diminution de l’offre de main-d’œuvre). Elle doit aussi entraîner une diminution des salaires dans les pays d’accueil (augmentation de l’offre de main-d’œuvre). Une vision malthusienne de l’économie part également du principe que l’arrivée de main d’œuvre sur un marché de l’emploi contraint laisse certains travailleurs sans emploi ou chasse de leur emploi ceux qui en avaient un. L’opinion selon laquelle l’immigration fait diminuer les salaires des autochtones et génère du chômage est largement répandue. Cependant une théorie concurrente suggère que les immigrants, consommant dans leur pays de destination, donnent lieu à une augmentation de la demande locale, et/ou que la production locale se développe grâce à cette main-d’œuvre supplémentaire. Pour départager ces approches, on peut examiner ce que nous disent les données empiriques sur ce qui se passe à des échelles locales.

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Although over time mass migration has brought about de facto cosmopolitan situations in Gulf cities, foreign residents continue to experience segregation and endure exclusionary policies and practices on a daily basis. This article unpacks two sets of internal tensions that characterise cosmopolitanism in the Gulf, through a comparison of cosmopolitan discourses and practices in Abu Dhabi, Riyadh and Jeddah. The first tension relates to official discourses and policies: Saudi and Emirati governments design and enforce exclusionary policies and, at the same time, publicly endorse cosmopolitan ideals and projects—consisting in Islamic universalism for Saudi cities and the rhetoric of tolerance for the United Arab Emirates. Such cosmopolitan claims are, moreover, reflected in the aspirations and subjectivities of migrants and local citizens while also generating feelings of alienation. We call this discursive paradox cosmopolitanism in denial. The second tension concerns migrants' everyday practices and modes of consumption in urban spaces. We argue that these are best understood as a form of segregated cosmopolitanism, whereby both Gulf citizens and the various migrant communities explicitly acknowledge, and at times consume, urban diversity but also maintain certain boundaries. Drawing on an analysis of both governmental and individual discourses, as well as on ethnographic observations collected over a decade of fieldwork in Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, our research engages with theories of cosmopolitanism from a situated perspective. As such, it moves away from the dominant unitary and normative approach to cosmopolitanism and instead emphasises both the resilience and transience of everyday cosmopolitan situations.

in Renewing the Migration Debate: Building disciplinary and geographical bridges to explain global migration Publication date 2020-06 Conferance name KNAW Academy Colloquium
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The focus of research in contemporary international migration and integration politics has long been immigration to Western democracies and their related migration corridors, often defined by colonial history. Just like in any field of social science, the ethnocentrism of this focus mimics the geography of scientific employment and institutions, the economics of research funding and the politics of academic publications. Apart from raising ethical issues, these limitations constrain our understanding of processes and dynamics of international migration politics, both by neglecting empirical realities that are statistically relevant -notably migration politics in the Global South- and by creating methodological and epistemological biases. Documenting less researched cases seems an obvious answer. But the future of research on migration politics is not only about researching “non- Western others” more, and boxing results in an “area” or “comparative” sub-discipline. It is about using single case studies and comparative research across types of states and political contexts to uproot some of the most blinding assumptions of existing migration theories and open new research avenues. This could mean taking migration processes and not political regimes, geographical location or development levels, as the independent variable to construct broad comparative frameworks where migration politics becomes the dependent variable. This could first be achieved by considering seemingly “most different” political contexts across countries, like comparing democratic apples and authoritarian pears. It could secondly be achieved by paying more attention to migration histories across contexts and trace political processes and institutions with great care. As such, a really insurgent and disruptive methodological claim would not be to include more Southern case studies into preexisting paradigms and epistemologies of migration politics but expand, amend or recast migration theories based on the new knowledge generated.

in Les Dossiers du CERI Publication date 2020-05-04
BENKER Elisa
CANTAT Céline
FINE Shoshana
GEMENNE François
JAULIN Thibaut
PÉCOUD Antoine
REDDY Michelle
SAVATIC Filip
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Pour limiter la propagation du coronavirus, la plupart des gouvernements a fermé leurs frontières et multiplié les restrictions de circulation. Un des effets notables de la fermeture des frontières est d’avoir placé nombre d’Européens dans une position - certes temporaire - d’immobilité. Rarement, sauf en temps de guerre, les citoyens européens, dont le passeport permet habituellement de visiter autour de 180 pays sans autorisation préalable, ne s’étaient vu imposer de telles restrictions à leur mobilité, aussi bien vers d’autres continents qu’au sein même de l’ Europe. Cette restriction des mouvements revêt ainsi une dimension inédite : elle s’applique aux populations du nord alors qu’elle s’impose en temps normal aux « migrants » du sud.

Publication date 2020-01-18 Collection MAGYC Working Paper
CANTAT Céline
PÉCOUD Antoine
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This framework paper intends to construct the 2015 “migration crisis” as a scientific object, moving away from the naturalisation of the crisis operated in media and political discourses and rather exploring the dynamics of migration crisis-making. To do so, it offers a insights on the semantic and political genealogy of the notion in the context of Western European discourses. We argue that an ideal type or generic “migration crisis” was brought about in the early 2010s, building upon previous situated crises in discourses produced on migration. This ideal type is constructed as a category of power, which in turn gives way to particular ways of dealing with and responding to migration. Therefore, in line with previous work, this paper adopts a constructivist stance on crises that seeks to investigate “migration as crisis” in policy, media and academic discourses.

Publication date 2020-01-18 Collection MAGYC Working Paper
FINE Shoshana
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This analytical framework aims to study the ways in which European migration governance has been shaped by a ‘crisis’ discourse. The European Union witnessed an exponential increase in asylum claims in 2015 – registering over 1.2 million, more than double from the previous year. This upsurge was commonly categorised by political actors as a “migration crisis”, embedding what is considered to be an appropriate response in terms of governing solutions. Work Package 3 in this project and a rich literature explore the ways in which political and policy actors have constructed a crisis discourse on migration. Much less is known about the ways in which this crisis discourse has reconfigured European migration governance. To what extent has crisis discourse led to the mobilisation of new actors and new forms of cooperation? The field for our study comprises three cases of migration governance (economic, bureaucratic and political) expressive of the way in which crisis interacts with a migration assemblage. The case of the economic rationality is premised on the need to bolster development aid to dissuade migrants from leaving. Here we focus on the implementation of the EU’s Emergency Trust Fund for Africa, involving German, French and Spanish national development aid agencies, security professionals, funding mechanisms, training manuals, and local infrastructure; second, the bureaucratic rationality calls for governing interventions to apply law and order, to identify legal from illegal migrants and to punish smugglers. We focus on the case of search and rescue in the Mediterranean. The assemblage constituents involve the EU border agency Frontex, NGOs, Libyan lifeguards, smugglers, drones, boats, the sea, stormy weather and migrant bodies (both dead and alive); lastly, the political rationality is centred on the premise that national sovereignty must be protected by limiting multilateral cooperation. Here we focus on the EU relocation and disembarkation mechanisms. On the face of it these rationalities pursue different solutions – developmental, humanitarian and security, and include diverse actors and practices – yet we posit that these rationalities and their component parts (both human and nonhuman) are constitutive of a migration assemblage which is both revealed and reconfigured by the “migration crisis”.

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Despite seemingly open immigration policies and rights-based reforms, the six Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries recently engaged in international and domestic policies to better control immigration. This article unpacks the realpolitik of mass immigration conducted by the Gulf states by showing how they use retaliatory and coercive migration diplomacies as well as migrant rightswashing on the international scene to shape immigration flows. At the domestic level, Gulf governments’ reforms seek to police labour market segmentation and institutionalise a regime of “differential exclusion” that officialises intersectional discriminations across nationalities and class. Drawing upon sources in English and Arabic, as well as interviews with public officials, businessmen, and migrants in the region over a decade (2006-2017), this article describes how states and nonstate actors, including businessmen, migrant networks, and brokers, operate policies and practices of control. I first find that a recent sovereign turn has transformed migration politics in the Gulf. I show that contingent state policies and reforms in the past decades more accurately account for migration governance processes than oil prices and market dynamics, the nature of political regimes, or the rentier structures of Gulf polities. This study thus fills a gap in migration research on the Global South that usually focuses on emigration countries and diaspora policies and underestimates the role of immigration policies. Secondly, I find that migration policies have become more discriminatory across migrant categories in the GCC, as other studies have shown for OECD countries. Such findings lead us to discuss the global relevance of illiberal practices and policies and introduce the hypothesis of a global convergence in illiberal migration governance.

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Face aux questions migratoires, Virginie Guiraudon (CNRS/Sciences Po), Hélène Thiollet (CNRS/Sciences Po) et Camille Schmoll (Paris 7/IUF) ont lancé un appel à la communauté scientifique pour la constitution d’un Groupe International d’Experts sur les Migrations et l’Asile (GIEMA). À l'occasion de la première réunion du groupe qui se tient ce 10 décembre 2018, les chercheuses rappellent les enjeux de cette mobilisation.

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