Co-auteur
  • PILATI Katia (3)
  • PAMIES Joan Carles (2)
  • GOMEZ Raul (2)
  • BERGH Johannes (2)
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Type de Document
  • Article (9)
  • Partie ou chapitre de livre (6)
  • Contribution à un site web (4)
  • Livre (3)
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in El diario, Piedras de papel Publié en 2021-04-26
PAMIES Joan Carles
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Los resultados para el conjunto de España confirman que los venezolanos son mucho más propensos a votar a partidos de derecha que el resto de latinoamericanos (e incluso que el resto de españoles)

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Research in the United States has emphasized the importance of anti-immigrant and anti-Hispanic hostility to galvanize shared identities and a sense of linked fate that is electorally mobilized around the pan-ethnic Latino identity. With survey data on the electoral behavior of South American immigrants in the United States and Spain spanning a decade (2006-2018), this article gauges how critical hostility is for electoral mobilization. The findings suggest that—despite very different institutional settings, hostility levels, elite strategies, and political mobilization patterns—South American immigrants are forging remarkably similar patterns of political preferences and engagement across both sides of the Atlantic. The overtime and comparative perspective calls into question that hostility is the main driving force behind Latino electoral participation and block voting in the United States and prompts greater attention to the socioeconomic status of Latinos and mobilization by political parties.

in Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis : Research and Practice Publié en 2020-12
GAVA Roy
SABATÉ Oriol
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This article analyses the nature of policy debates on financial regulation during the onset of the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) by considering three elements that shape them: the salience of the debate, the actors that dominate the debate, and the degree of anti-status quo pressure. Theoretically, it contributes to Culpepper’s quiet/noisy politics framework by clarifying its multidimensionality and explicitly introducing the degree of contestation. Empirically, it focuses on two regulatory issues: (1) the restriction of banking and financial activities and (2) the debate on the remuneration of bankers. The data captures political claims during the first 12 months of the GFC and covers 19 established democracies. The findings indicate that policy debates were unevenly politicized across countries and issues, and that structural factors are not enough to account for the observed variation in pressure for reform for all types of actors, thus constituting a puzzle for further research.

in COGITO, le magazine de la recherche Publié en 2020-06-15
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1ères lignes : Les partis politiques traversent, on le sait bien, une crise ; tout du moins pour leur image et le soutien que leur apportent les citoyens. Dans les démocraties établies, le nombre de leurs militants est pour la plupart en chute et l’on peut parler d’une crise de militantisme partisan : le militant est devenu un oiseau rare. Cependant, il serait prématuré de déclarer la faillite des partis politiques comme forme d’organisation politique. Avec la « Grande Récession » de 2008, de nouveaux partis politiques ont poussé comme des champignons partout en Europe : La République en Marche et La France Insoumise en France, le Mouvement 5 étoiles en Italie, le AfD en Allemagne ou Podemos en Espagne, n’en sont que quelques exemples. En outre, les partis dits « traditionnels » sont restées des organisations qui savent s’adapter aux circonstances et cherchent à innover pour attirer le soutien et l’engagement des citoyens.

in Ethmig Survey Data Publié en 2020-05-25
SAJI Ami Katherine
MÉNDEZ LAGO Mónica
BERGH Johannes
BERNAT Anikó
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1st lines : The Ethnic and Migrant Minority (EMM) Survey Registry is a free online tool that allows users to search for and learn about existing quantitative surveys to EMM populations through the compiled survey-level metadata. The EMM Survey Registry is one of the main outputs generated by COST Action 16111 Ethmigsurveydata jointly with the Sciences Po team of the SSHOC (Social Sciences and Humanities Open Cloud) project. It is also a result of the collective efforts by the national delegations of the participating countries in the COST Action who have contributed to an initial comprehensive compilation of all the surveys targeting EMM respondents since January 2000 and until 2018 in their respective country.

Publié en 2020-04
SAJI Ami Katherine
PRANDNER Dimitri
BERGH Johannes
BERNAT Anikó
MÉNDEZ LAGO Mónica
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This report, the second in the series of reports produced by COST Action 16111 Ethmigsurveydata, presents the results from the analysis of the survey metadata compiled through the Ethnic and Migrant Minorities (EMM) Survey Registry launched by the COST Action and with the support of the H2020 project Social Sciences and Humanities Open Cloud (SSHOC). The current version of the report focuses on six countries for which the metadata is complete and controlled for quality: Croatia, Norway, Switzerland, Romania, Germany and Turkey. The report begins with an introduction about the survey metadata compilation undertaken by Ethmigsurveydata, followed by a detailed overview of the methodological approaches used to develop the EMM Survey Registry. The report is then structured into five additional sections that present the findings for the EMM surveys in these six countries in relation to their geographical and target group coverage, the definition and measurement of EMMs, the topics covered by the surveys, their technical characteristics, and their accessibility and reusability. The final section offers conclusions and recommendations for funders, data producers and data analysis.

Many parties have updated their recruitment strategies and offer softer routes for joining their ranks. In some parties, registered sympathizers are given virtually the same rights as traditional members with substantially lower costs. This begs the question, why would somebody take the further step of joining such parties as full members rather than sympathizers? This article analyzes this question by using membership surveys from three left-wing Spanish parties. As such, it explores the usefulness of the general incentives model (GIM) for explaining the decisions of these two groups of affiliates. We find that full members and sympathizers differ in the motives they have to join the party and in their evaluations of the diverse types of incentives included in the GIM. Candidate selection incentives seem particularly important for sympathizers, whereas selective outcome incentives, selective process benefits, collective outcome benefits and altruistic motivations play a more significant role for members.

España repite elecciones el próximo 10 de noviembre tras los fracasos de la izquierda para formar gobierno en los últimos meses. A esta cita electoral, tanto derecha como izquierda aún irán más fragmentadas con un gran número de formaciones políticas. Cataluña vuelve a marcar la campaña tras los incidentes violentos de Barcelona de los últimos días provocados por independentistas en cólera tras la sentencia dada a conocer por el Tribunal Supremo la semana pasada y que condena por sedición a varios líderes independentistas. Y además, otro protagonista de última hora: la exhumación del dictador Franco que sale de su mausoleo más de cuatro décadas después corrigiendo una anomalía histórica del país. Analizamos este cruce de coordenadas que marcan la campaña 10N en España.

in The Iberian Legislatures in Comparative Perspective Sous la direction de FERNANDES Jorge, LESTON-BANDEIRA Cristina Publié en 2019-07
ESPÍRITO-SANTO Ana
VERGE Tània
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This chapter constitutes the first attempt at examining the extent to which the diversity represented in Iberian legislatures reflects the existing diversity in the population, a crucial dimension on which to evaluate the quality of democracy. Drawing on original biographical data of MPs, our survey of diversity looks at gender, age, ethnicity, sexuality and ableness, and it pays attention to the intersection of gender with these markers of identity. The results show that, whereas women’s presence has significantly increased in the last decade, the other minority groups remain remarkably underrepresented. Cross-party differences are rather small, except for the tendency for left-wing parties to include more LGBT MPs and younger MPs. Our exploratory analysis also indicates that gender interacts with the markers mentioned above of identity in specific ways. Men MPs outnumber women MPs in all social groups (migrant origin and ethnic minority, LGBT and disability) but the youth.

We provide a systematic assessment of various methods to position political parties on immigration, a policy domain that does not necessarily overlap with left–right and is characterized by varying salience and issue complexity. Manual and automated coding methods drawing on 283 party manifestos are compared – manual sentence-by-sentence coding using a conventional codebook, manual coding using checklists, automated coding using Wordscores, Wordfish and keywords. We also use expert surveys and the Comparative Manifesto Project (CMP), covering the main parties in Austria, Belgium, France, Ireland, the Netherlands, Spain, Switzerland and the United Kingdom, between 1993 and 2013. We find high levels of consistency between expert positioning, manual sentence-by-sentence coding and manual checklist coding and poor or inconsistent results with the CMP, Wordscores, Wordfish and the dictionary approach. An often-neglected method – manual coding using checklists – offers resource efficiency with no loss in validity or reliability.

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