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  • PILATI Katia (3)
  • GOMEZ Raul (2)
  • ROS Virginia (2)
  • RAMIRO Luis (2)
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in COGITO, le magazine de la recherche Publication date 2020-06-15
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1ères lignes : Les partis politiques traversent, on le sait bien, une crise ; tout du moins pour leur image et le soutien que leur apportent les citoyens. Dans les démocraties établies, le nombre de leurs militants est pour la plupart en chute et l’on peut parler d’une crise de militantisme partisan : le militant est devenu un oiseau rare. Cependant, il serait prématuré de déclarer la faillite des partis politiques comme forme d’organisation politique. Avec la « Grande Récession » de 2008, de nouveaux partis politiques ont poussé comme des champignons partout en Europe : La République en Marche et La France Insoumise en France, le Mouvement 5 étoiles en Italie, le AfD en Allemagne ou Podemos en Espagne, n’en sont que quelques exemples. En outre, les partis dits « traditionnels » sont restées des organisations qui savent s’adapter aux circonstances et cherchent à innover pour attirer le soutien et l’engagement des citoyens.

Publication date 2020-04
SAJI Ami Katherine
PRANDNER Dimitri
BERGH Johannes
BERNAT Anikó
MÉNDEZ LAGO Mónica
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This report, the second in the series of reports produced by COST Action 16111 Ethmigsurveydata, presents the results from the analysis of the survey metadata compiled through the Ethnic and Migrant Minorities (EMM) Survey Registry launched by the COST Action and with the support of the H2020 project Social Sciences and Humanities Open Cloud (SSHOC). The current version of the report focuses on six countries for which the metadata is complete and controlled for quality: Croatia, Norway, Switzerland, Romania, Germany and Turkey. The report begins with an introduction about the survey metadata compilation undertaken by Ethmigsurveydata, followed by a detailed overview of the methodological approaches used to develop the EMM Survey Registry. The report is then structured into five additional sections that present the findings for the EMM surveys in these six countries in relation to their geographical and target group coverage, the definition and measurement of EMMs, the topics covered by the surveys, their technical characteristics, and their accessibility and reusability. The final section offers conclusions and recommendations for funders, data producers and data analysis.

Many parties have updated their recruitment strategies and offer softer routes for joining their ranks. In some parties, registered sympathizers are given virtually the same rights as traditional members with substantially lower costs. This begs the question, why would somebody take the further step of joining such parties as full members rather than sympathizers? This article analyzes this question by using membership surveys from three left-wing Spanish parties. As such, it explores the usefulness of the general incentives model (GIM) for explaining the decisions of these two groups of affiliates. We find that full members and sympathizers differ in the motives they have to join the party and in their evaluations of the diverse types of incentives included in the GIM. Candidate selection incentives seem particularly important for sympathizers, whereas selective outcome incentives, selective process benefits, collective outcome benefits and altruistic motivations play a more significant role for members.

España repite elecciones el próximo 10 de noviembre tras los fracasos de la izquierda para formar gobierno en los últimos meses. A esta cita electoral, tanto derecha como izquierda aún irán más fragmentadas con un gran número de formaciones políticas. Cataluña vuelve a marcar la campaña tras los incidentes violentos de Barcelona de los últimos días provocados por independentistas en cólera tras la sentencia dada a conocer por el Tribunal Supremo la semana pasada y que condena por sedición a varios líderes independentistas. Y además, otro protagonista de última hora: la exhumación del dictador Franco que sale de su mausoleo más de cuatro décadas después corrigiendo una anomalía histórica del país. Analizamos este cruce de coordenadas que marcan la campaña 10N en España.

in The Iberian Legislatures in Comparative Perspective Edited by FERNANDES Jorge, LESTON-BANDEIRA Cristina Publication date 2019-07
ESPÍRITO-SANTO Ana
VERGE Tània
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This chapter constitutes the first attempt at examining the extent to which the diversity represented in Iberian legislatures reflects the existing diversity in the population, a crucial dimension on which to evaluate the quality of democracy. Drawing on original biographical data of MPs, our survey of diversity looks at gender, age, ethnicity, sexuality and ableness, and it pays attention to the intersection of gender with these markers of identity. The results show that, whereas women’s presence has significantly increased in the last decade, the other minority groups remain remarkably underrepresented. Cross-party differences are rather small, except for the tendency for left-wing parties to include more LGBT MPs and younger MPs. Our exploratory analysis also indicates that gender interacts with the markers mentioned above of identity in specific ways. Men MPs outnumber women MPs in all social groups (migrant origin and ethnic minority, LGBT and disability) but the youth.

Publication date 2019-03
LAMPRINAKOU Chrysa
ROS Virginia
CAMPBELL Rosie
SOBOLEWSKA Maria
WILKS-HEEG Stuart
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Diversity of representation is important for the democratic principles of equality, effectiveness, fairness, justice and legitimacy. However, the lack of good quality and consistently defined data for most protected characteristics considerably hampers the monitoring of the diversity of political representation in Britain. The aim of this report is to assess the quality of the available data on the diversity of candidates and elected officials at UK, national and local election levels and to identify where there are data gaps and limitations. The report draws together the best currently available data on the protected characteristics of candidates standing in the 2016 and 2017 elections in Great Britain. The report also sets out recommendations for improving the monitoring of diversity of political representation. Few data are available for most of the protected characteristics defined in the Equality Act 2010, and what is available is often drawn from reduced sample sizes. This reveals a fragmented picture with many gaps, making it difficult to assess confidently the diversity of political representation in Britain. Much of the current evidence relies on observation or self-reporting in surveys, and low response rates to those questions highlights the challenge of collecting this sort of information. However, the data that are available indicate that elected representatives in Great Britain remain unrepresentative of the population in their socio-demographic characteristics. Our assessment of diversity is drawn from information available on the diversity of candidates and elected representatives in the House of Commons, the Scottish Parliament, the National Assembly for Wales and local elections. The focus is on six out of the nine protected characteristics listed in the Equality Act 2010 for which data were available: age, disability, race, religion or belief, sex and sexual orientation. No data were available for gender reassignment. Section 106 of EA 2010 places a statutory obligation on political parties to collect and publish information relating to the protected characteristics of candidates for the UK Parliamentary, European, National Assembly for Wales and Scottish Parliament elections. However, section 106 has not been brought into force.

in The Routledge Handbook on the Governance of Migration and Diversity in Cities Edited by CAPONIO Tiziana, SCHOLTEN Peter, ZAPATA-BARRERO Ricardo Publication date 2018-08
PILATI Katia
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This chapter provides an overview of the patterns of engagement in various types of organisations and in various forms of political action at the local level by individuals of migrant origin. Using data from two surveys undertaken to migrants and their offspring in several European cities, the findings show there is considerable variation across European cities in the patterns of organisational engagement and political action. The findings also indicate that cross-city differences are systematically larger than cross-group variation within cities. This means that the context of settlement is a much more determining factor than the national origin or ancestry of migrants.

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En los últimos veinte años, las sociedades de España e Italia han experimentado un cambio demográfico muy notable debido a flujos migratorios de alta intensidad. Desde principios de la década de 1990, la población extranjera se multiplicó por cinco en ambos países y en 2010 alcanzó el 12 y el 6 por ciento, respectivamente, del conjunto poblacional (INE, 2015; ISTAT, 2015). En ambos casos, dicho fenómeno migratorio plantea nuevos desafíos de representación democrática, dado que, en un periodo muy corto de tiempo, ha generado un gran caudal de nuevos residentes con expectativas legítimas de hacer oír su voz en el proceso de toma de decisiones. Sin embargo, el aumento del número de inmigrantes residentes en España e Italia también coincidió con un período en el que la opinión pública empezó a mostrar mayor preocupación por la inmigración, lo que provocó actitudes negativas cada vez más visibles hacia los colectivos inmigrantes en ambos países. Este artículo analiza en qué medida la presión migratoria y el cambio actitudinal hacia los inmigrantes en España e Italia pueden ayudarnos a comprender mejor las estrategias de los partidos a la hora de facilitar el acceso de este colectivo a cargos electos en los parlamentos nacionales. Haciendo uso de una base de datos única que incluye información sobre el perfil sociodemográfico y político de todos los diputados y diputadas en ambos países desde 1990 hasta la actualidad, nuestro estudio contribuye a avanzar en el conocimiento sobre las dinámicas que favorecen y que dificultan la representación política de los inmigrantes en estos dos países del sur de Europa.

in The Routledge Handbook of the Politics of Migration in Europe Edited by BONJOUR Saskia, WEINAR Agnieszka, ZHYZNOMIRSKA Lyubov Publication date 2018-07
MONFORTE Pierre
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This chapter explores the scholarship on three different (but related and complementary) approaches to the topic of migrants and ethnic minorities’ political voice in European societies: their civic and political participation; their mobilization in contentious action; and their political representation at the institutional level. We show that studies focusing on the first question have largely attempted to explain their comparatively low levels of engagement in politics, in particular through the focus on individual behaviour. We then show how the literature on migrants’ collective actions has focused on the forms, levels and determinants of their protests, exploring more specifically their mobilization dynamics. Finally, we present how the emerging literature that relates to migrants and ethnic minorities’ presence in institutions has explored variations in terms of the extent and the content of their political representation. Throughout the chapter, we show that one of the key contributions of the European literature is the use of cross-national comparative approaches that aim to analyse how migrants’ political participation is shaped by political opportunities, migration policies, integration regimes and other contextual factors.

in Environmental Politics Publication date 2017-10
BERNARDI Luca
BISCHOF Daniel
LÜHISTE Maarja
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Under what conditions do critical events trigger large-scale public discussion and mobilisation, and can these lead to policy change? In a comparative study of nuclear energy policy after the Japanese Fukushima disaster in March 2011, a theory-development approach is adopted, mobilising data collected from national news agencies’ newswires, public surveys, legislation and parliamentary databases, and newspaper editorials in 12 established democracies between March 2011 and March 2013. The analysis suggests two main hypotheses that can guide future research: critical events are more likely to trigger policy change when intense (contentious) mobilisation from policy challengers aligns with the views of the general public, and is backed by major political allies; and critical events are more likely to trigger intense (contentious) mobilisation when policy challengers articulate their opposition around pre-existing policy debates on the issue and resort to pre-existing organisational and mobilisation resources.

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