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in Foreign policy change in Europe since 1991 Sous la direction de JOLY Jeroen, HAESEBOUCK Tim Publié en 2021-08
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This chapter analyzes foreign policy change in France since 1990, focusing in particular on defense policy, official development assistance and international cooperation. We argue that French foreign policy has mainly been characterized by three different types of change: adjustment changes, program changes and goal changes. Although the fundamental goals of French foreign policy evolved relatively little over the past thirty years, we show that France adapted its priorities and restructured its foreign policy tools following the end of the Cold War. We highlight that France developed a comprehensive approach to foreign policy, integrating various instruments and tools, and built up numerous strategic and defense partnerships. Our empirical analysis shows that some of these changes have been dramatic (such as the professionalization of the armed forces in 1996), while others have been incremental (e.g. the shift from formal, multilateral agreements to more informal and minilateral forms of cooperation). Such changes converge toward the ambition to make France great again in a context where new global actors do compete with the expected leadership of successive French executives.

in West European Politics Publié en 2021
ALTIPARMAKIS Argyrios
BOJAR Abel
KRIESI Hanspeter
NADEAU Richard
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The COVID-19 crisis has demanded that governments take restrictive measures that are abnormal for most representative democracies. This article aims to examine the determinants of the public’s evaluations towards those measures. This article focuses on political trust and partisanship as potential explanatory factors of evaluations of each government’s health and economic measures to address the COVID-19 crisis. To study these relationships between trust, partisanship and evaluation of measures, data from a novel comparative panel survey is utilised, comprising eleven democracies and three waves, conducted in spring 2020. This article provides evidence that differences in evaluations of the public health and economic measures between countries also depend on contextual factors, such as polarisation and the timing of the measures’ introduction by each government. Results show that the public’s approval of the measures depends strongly on their trust in the national leaders, an effect augmented for voters of the opposition.

in West European Politics Publié en 2021
KRITZINGER Sylvia
PARTHEYMÜLLER Julia
PLESCIA Caroliona
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During international crises, trust in government is expected to increase irrespective of the wisdom of the policies it pursues. This has been called a ‘rally-round-the-flag’ effect. This article examines whether the COVID-19 crisis has resulted in such a rally effect. Using multi-wave panel surveys conducted in Austria and France starting from March 2020, in the article it is examined how government trust was affected by the perceived threats to the nation’s health and economy created by the pandemic as well as by the perceived appropriateness of the government’s crisis response. A strong rally effect is shown in Austria, where trust was closely tied to perceived health risks, but faded away quickly over time. Perceptions of government measures mattered, too, while perceived economic threat only played a minor role. In France, in contrast, a strong partisan divide is found and no rally effect.

in PLos ONE Publié en 2021
DAOUST Jean-François
BÉLANGER Eric
DASSONNEVILLE Ruth
LACHAPELLE Erik, Département De Science Politique
NADEAU Richard
BECHER Michael
HÖNNIGE Christoph
STEGMUELLER Daniel
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Studies of citizens’ compliance with COVID-19 preventive measures routinely rely on survey data. While such data are essential, public health restrictions provide clear signals of what is socially desirable in this context, creating a potential source of response bias in self-reported measures of compliance. In this research, we examine whether the results of a guilt-free strategy recently proposed to lessen this constraint are generalizable across twelve countries, and whether the treatment effect varies across subgroups. Our findings show that the guilt-free strategy is a useful tool in every country included, increasing respondents’ proclivity to report non-compliance by 9 to 16 percentage points. This effect holds for different subgroups based on gender, age and education. We conclude that the inclusion of this strategy should be the new standard for survey research that aims to provide crucial data on the current pandemic.

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Bien que les deux tiers des clusters identifiés de l’épidémie de Covid-19 en France concernent les entreprises, les établissements d’enseignement ainsi que ceux de santé, le président de la République a choisi de lutter contre la deuxième vague de l’épidémie par une nouvelle limitation, nocturne plutôt que géographique, de la liberté d’aller et venir. [Premier paragraphe]

in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS) Publié en 2020-10
GALASSO Vincenzo
PROFETA Paola
PONS Vincent
BECHER Michael
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The initial public health response to the breakout of COVID-19 required fundamental changes in individual behavior, such as isolation at home or wearing masks. The effectiveness of these policies hinges on generalized public obedience. Yet, people’s level of compliance may depend on their beliefs regarding the pandemic. We use original data from two waves of a survey conducted in March and April 2020 in eight Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries (n = 21,649) to study gender differences in COVID-19−related beliefs and behaviors. We show that women are more likely to perceive COVID-19 as a very serious health problem, to agree with restraining public policy measures, and to comply with them. Gender differences in attitudes and behavior are sizable in all countries. They are accounted for neither by sociodemographic and employment characteristics nor by psychological and behavioral factors. They are only partially mitigated for individuals who cohabit or have direct exposure to the virus. We show that our results are not due to differential social desirability bias. This evidence has important implications for public health policies and communication on COVID-19, which may need to be gender based, and it unveils a domain of gender differences: behavioral changes in response to a new risk.

in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS) Publié en 2020-10
GALASSO Vincenzo
PONS Vincent
PROFETA Paola
BECHER Michael
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Public health response to COVID-19 requires behavior changes—isolation at home, wearing masks. Its effectiveness depends on generalized compliance. Original data from two waves of a survey conducted in March−April 2020 in eight Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries (n = 21,649) show large gender differences in COVID-19−related beliefs and behaviors. Women are more likely to perceive the pandemic as a very serious health problem and to agree and comply with restraining measures. These differences are only partially mitigated for individuals cohabiting or directly exposed to COVID-19. This behavioral factor contributes to substantial gender differences in mortality and is consistent with women-led countries responding more effectively to the pandemic. It calls for gender-based public health policies and communication.

in Droit et gestion des collectivités territoriales Publié en 2020-10
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Figure centrale du pouvoir local récemment placée au coeur du débat public (manifestations des Gilets jaunes, élections municipales de 2020, crise sanitaire liée au Covid-19...), cet article analyse le rôle des maires.

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Using original data from two waves of a survey conducted in March and April 2020 in eight OECD countries (N = 21,649), we show that women are more likely to see COVID-19 as a very serious health problem, to agree with restraining public policy measures adopted in response to it, and to comply with them. Gender differences in attitudes and behavior are substantial in all countries, robust to controlling for a large set of sociodemographic, employment, psychological, and behavioral factors, and only partially mitigated for individuals who cohabit or have direct exposure to COVID-19. The results are not driven by differential social desirability bias. They carry important implications for the spread of the pandemic and may contribute to explain gender differences in vulnerability to it.

40% des parents ne veulent pas remettre leurs enfants à l’école et 30% sont encore indécis. Un déconfinement serein ne se fera que lorsque la défiance entre décideurs et citoyens aura été apaisée.

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