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  • VERNIERS Gilles (8)
  • DIECKHOFF Alain (8)
  • GAYER Laurent (7)
  • JUMLE Vihang (3)
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  • Partie ou chapitre de livre (78)
  • Article (68)
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L’inde a engagé en 2009 un programme d’identification biométrique de sa population. Il s’agissait à l’origine d’un projet né au sein des entreprises informatiques basées à Bangalore, et son principal architecte, Nandan Nilekani, était d’ailleurs le patron d’une de ces grandes firmes. Leur dessein était d’utiliser les techniques du numérique et les données qu’elles permettent de recueillir à des fins économiques. Mais pour enregistrer l’ensemble de la population indienne, il fallait convaincre l’Etat de s’investir dans l’opération. L’argument qui emporta l’adhésion du gouvernement fut financier : ce programme, nommé Aadhaar, permettrait de distribuer les fonds d’aide aux pauvres en minimisant les pertes liées notamment à la corruption et à l’existence de doublons parmi les bénéficiaires. Or être identifié par Aadhaar est devenu peu à peu nécessaire pour réaliser de multiples opérations de la vie courante, y compris pour payer ses impôts. Saisie, la Cour suprême a tardé à se prononcer et n’a pas cherché à protéger la vie privée des personnes d’une manière convaincante. Aadhaar n’a pas non plus préservé la qualité des services rendus aux pauvres – loin de là – et son impact économique est encore à prouver, même si les opérateurs qui croient que data is the new oil se situent dans une perspective de long terme.

in Institut Montaigne Publié en 2020-11-06
JUMLE Vihang
KISHOR Maitreyee
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India is a global supplier of generic drugs. Its export-oriented pharmaceutical industry is extremely profitable but encounters a number of challenges, from domestic demand to human resources. The Covid-19 pandemic has brought to light its dependence on imports from China of active pharmaceutical ingredients and chemical intermediates. As the whole world discusses how to increase the resilience of supply chains, could this be an opportunity for a Europe-India cooperation? This is the theme of the last article of our new series on India’s health sector, by Christophe Jaffrelot, Senior Research Fellow at CERI-SciencesPo/CNRS, Vihang Jumle, Project Officer at TRAFFIC WWF India and Maitreyee Kishor, a Sciences Po graduate who works at Ashoka University's Centre for Writing and Communication.

in Institut Montaigne Publié en 2020-11-03
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The Covid-19 pandemic has brought to light the specificities and some of the shortcomings of India’s healthcare infrastructure. This piece looks at the private healthcare system, an industry undergoing rapid development but which comes at a price that many can’t afford, and thus does not sufficiently complement public healthcare. The second article of our new series on health issues in India by Christophe Jaffrelot, Senior Research Fellow at CERI-SciencesPo/CNRS and Vihang Jumle, Project Officer at TRAFFIC WWF India, explores the balance between public and private healthcare and concludes on the need for more public expenditure.

in Institut Montaigne Publié en 2020-11-02
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The Covid-19 crisis has tested the resilience of India's health system. Shortage of personnel and underfunded infrastructure are amongst the symptoms of India's ill public health system. In the first article of this new series on health issues in India, Christophe Jaffrelot, Senior Research Fellow at CERI-SciencesPo/CNRS and Vihang Jumle, Project Officer at TRAFFIC WWF India, provide an analysis of the effects of the pandemic on the national as well as the state level. This article underlines India’s significant regional disparities and assesses the impact of the virus across the country.

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Chaque élection est importante, mais cette année l’enjeu du scrutin présidentiel aux Etats-Unis est exceptionnel. Il intervient après quatre années de Donald Trump au pouvoir qui ont vu les dirigeants américains défendre des positions hyper conservatrices, nationalistes et parfois contraires à l’esprit des institutions américaines. Mais le parti républicain est-il devenu trumpiste et sinon, quelle est sa culture politique ? Divisé entre conservateurs classiques et nouveaux élus trumpistes, saura-t-il se réunifier ? Quant au Parti démocrate, la diversité sociologique et culturelle de ses soutiens jouera-t-elle comme une force ou comme une faiblesse ? L’Amérique est divisée en termes de culture politique en deux camps, dont les porte-drapeaux se voient plus comme des ennemis que comme des adversaires. Quelle place cette ligne de clivage, qui recoupe l’opposition entre Républicains et Démocrates, fait-elle à la religion par rapport à d’autres déterminants socio-culturels du vote ? L’un des legs de Trump, qu’il soit réélu ou non, sera la Cour Suprême a priori très conservatrice qu’il laissera en héritage à l’Amérique pour de longues années. Quel impact cela aura-t-il sur la société américaine et notamment pour les droits des femmes et des minorités, à commencer par les Noirs que les juges ont déjà commencé à priver d’une partie des politiques d’ « affirmative action » et des protections du droit de vote ? Sur la scène internationale, l’Amérique de Trump a amorcé un retrait spectaculaire, qu’il s’agisse de théâtres d’opérations militaires comme l’Afghanistan ou du système onusien, et une focalisation sur la Chine au détriment de presque tout le reste. Une victoire de Joe Biden se traduirait-elle par un regain d’intérêt pour le multilatéralisme et une inflexion de la politique chinoise de Washington ?

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Governments and majoritarian political formations often present police violence as nationalist media spectacles, which marginalize the rights of the accused and normalize the discourse of majoritarian nationalism. In this study, we explore the public discourse of how the State and political actors repeatedly labeled a college-going student Ishrat Jahan, who died in a stage-managed police killing in India in 2004, as a terrorist. We draw from Derrida’s ethics of unconditional hospitality to show that while police violence is aimed at constructing safety for the cultural majority, in reality, it reveals discourses of anxiety and precariousness. The unethicality of police violence lies in the enlargement of recognition in vicariously blaming the person who has been killed for being involved in several terror attacks. We show that police violence is premised on the temporal structure of majoritarian nationalism, the prevalence of gender inequity, and the call to breach the secular framework of law.

in Institut Montaigne Publié en 2020-10-28
THAKKER Hemal
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The Covid-19 crisis in India acts as a revealer (just like in film photography) of latent tendencies - or, for lovers of physics metaphors, as a particle accelerator: it has accentuated the authoritarianism of power and the stigmatization of Muslims (accused of spreading the disease). It has also highlighted the fragility of the country's results in terms of the fight against poverty. In 2019, the UNDP reported that India had succeeded in lifting 271 million people out of poverty between 2006 and 2016. However in the same year, India’s Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation, which conducts the National Sample Survey, indicated that for the first time since this type of measurement was available, the percentage of Indians living below the poverty line had begun to rise again, because of the immiseration of the countryside (where about two-thirds of the population still lives). The Covid-19 crisis has amplified this process dramatically.

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The world’s 5th economy, India, is also the third biggest emitter of CO2. Its vast territory and solar capacity makes it a formidable place for the development of new technologies to reduce the country’s carbon emissions. Yet, the challenge is big due to the numerous political and economic obstacles. Does the current government comply with the country’s target for the Paris Agreement? Is solar power expected - and able - to replace coal in the near future? Christophe Jaffrelot, Senior research fellow at CERI-Sciences Po/CNRS, and Hemal Thakker, Student of International Relations and Environmental Studies at the Paris School of International Affairs, Sciences Po thoroughly answer our questions.

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The rise of the BJP in national and state politics is often associated with a representation skewed toward traditional elite groups and the marginalisation of groups associated with other parties, such as minorities and various dominant OBC groups. This article examines the transformation of the sociological composition of the Lok Sabha over time and seeks to assess its elitist character, by providing descriptive statistics on five socio-demographic and economic variables: caste, religion, gender, dynasticism, wealth and occupation. Data suggests that political representation in India has by and large always been skewed toward the elites, but the composition of these elites has changed over time. For instance, the recent surge in the representation of the upper caste in the Lok Sabha pre-dates the rise of the BJP in 2014, and the marginalisation of minorities and women is a long-standing phenomenon. Since 2014 however, the BJP has contributed to enhancing a particular form of elite – those rooted in local and regional business networks.

in Contemporary South Asia Publié en 2020-08-20
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This article is part of a Book Forum review of Shandana Khan Mohmand’s book Crafty Oligarchs, Savvy Voters (2019). The Book Forum consists of individual commentaries on this text by three interested scholars, followed by a response by the author. The article may be read individually or alongside the other contributions to the Forum, which together constitute a comprehensive discussion of the themes and arguments in the book.

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