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in Electoral Studies Publié en 2021-02
VASILOPOULOS Pavlos
GOROHOUNA Samuel
HÖNNIGE Christoph
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In this article we examine the impact of emotions in an independence referendum. New Caledonia – a French Pacific territory with 270,000 inhabitants – held a self-determination referendum in November 2018, in which 56% of the voters opted to remain a part of France. We conducted a post-referendum survey with 1496 respondents that included a specific battery to measure emotions as well as control variables. We find that experiencing anger with the national status of the territory increases the probability of voting for independence, while experiencing pride reduces it. These results remain after controlling for partisan, ethnic and national identification, expected effects of independence as well as sociodemographic factors. Moreover, emotions and identity interact and increase the effect of (the lack of) national identification. Beyond the effects of the traditional control variables, the results suggest that knowledge about voting behavior in independence referendums is transferable to decolonization in Pacific Islands.

in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS) Publié en 2020-10
GALASSO Vincenzo
PROFETA Paola
PONS Vincent
BECHER Michael
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The initial public health response to the breakout of COVID-19 required fundamental changes in individual behavior, such as isolation at home or wearing masks. The effectiveness of these policies hinges on generalized public obedience. Yet, people’s level of compliance may depend on their beliefs regarding the pandemic. We use original data from two waves of a survey conducted in March and April 2020 in eight Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries (n = 21,649) to study gender differences in COVID-19−related beliefs and behaviors. We show that women are more likely to perceive COVID-19 as a very serious health problem, to agree with restraining public policy measures, and to comply with them. Gender differences in attitudes and behavior are sizable in all countries. They are accounted for neither by sociodemographic and employment characteristics nor by psychological and behavioral factors. They are only partially mitigated for individuals who cohabit or have direct exposure to the virus. We show that our results are not due to differential social desirability bias. This evidence has important implications for public health policies and communication on COVID-19, which may need to be gender based, and it unveils a domain of gender differences: behavioral changes in response to a new risk.

in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS) Publié en 2020-10
GALASSO Vincenzo
PONS Vincent
PROFETA Paola
BECHER Michael
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Public health response to COVID-19 requires behavior changes—isolation at home, wearing masks. Its effectiveness depends on generalized compliance. Original data from two waves of a survey conducted in March−April 2020 in eight Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries (n = 21,649) show large gender differences in COVID-19−related beliefs and behaviors. Women are more likely to perceive the pandemic as a very serious health problem and to agree and comply with restraining measures. These differences are only partially mitigated for individuals cohabiting or directly exposed to COVID-19. This behavioral factor contributes to substantial gender differences in mortality and is consistent with women-led countries responding more effectively to the pandemic. It calls for gender-based public health policies and communication.

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Although executives in many democracies have constitutional powers to circumvent the majoritarian legislative process to make policy, political scientists know relatively little about whether and when ordinary people hold executives accountable for the process they use. To study this issue beyond the American presidency, we conduct a series of large survey experiments in France, where the institution of the confidence procedure puts the government in a strong position relative to parliament. Our experiments highlight that public evaluations of the executive reflect a fundamental trade-off between policy and process. If they face significant opposition in the legislative process, executives either have to accept policy failure or risk punishment for the use of procedural force. People dislike both results, and the average popularity gain of using the confidence procedure over not delivering the policy is modest. Moreover, in some contexts, executives are strictly better off not legislating rather than applying force.

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Using original data from two waves of a survey conducted in March and April 2020 in eight OECD countries (N = 21,649), we show that women are more likely to see COVID-19 as a very serious health problem, to agree with restraining public policy measures adopted in response to it, and to comply with them. Gender differences in attitudes and behavior are substantial in all countries, robust to controlling for a large set of sociodemographic, employment, psychological, and behavioral factors, and only partially mitigated for individuals who cohabit or have direct exposure to COVID-19. The results are not driven by differential social desirability bias. They carry important implications for the spread of the pandemic and may contribute to explain gender differences in vulnerability to it.

40% des parents ne veulent pas remettre leurs enfants à l’école et 30% sont encore indécis. Un déconfinement serein ne se fera que lorsque la défiance entre décideurs et citoyens aura été apaisée.

De nombreuses mesures de limitations des libertés publiques ont été prises par les pays confrontés à la pandémie de COVID 19. Autrement dit, la crise sanitaire a amené à la mise entre parenthèses de valeurs essentielles pour les démocraties occidentales:libertés de circulation et d’entreprendre, libertés de réunion et de manifestation ainsi que, de façon indirecte, droit à la vie privée et familiale et droit à l’éducation.Dans notre pays, cette situation exceptionnelle s’est matérialisée par le vote d’un état d’urgence sanitaire par la loi du 23mars20201. Pour rappel, ce texte contenait 43 habilitations à prendre des ordonnances pour le gouvernement, marquant par là même l’importance des pouvoirs confiés à l’exécutif pendant cette période.La traduction la plus spectaculaire de la limitation des libertés réside probablement dans le confinement à domicile qui, au 7avril 2020, concernait 4milliards de personnes. Bien que la question de la stratégie de déconfinement soit désormais abordée, notamment par le Premier ministre lors de son discours du 28avril, de nombreuses personnes connaissent toujours une limitation sans précédent de leur liberté de se déplacer qui ne sera pas levée,pour la plupart d’entre eux, avant le 11mai.Par ailleurs,de nouvelles mesures privatives de libertés ou encadrant celles-cis ont évoquées (traçage des téléphones, quarantaines obligatoires, tests systématiques de dépistage)soulignant la persistance des effets de la crise.

in Canadian Journal of Political Science Publié en 2020-04
VASILOPOULOS Pavlos
BECHER Michael
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The COVID-19 disease was first identified in Wuhan, China, in December 2019, having since spread rapidly across the world. The infection and mortality rates of the disease have forced governments to implement a wave of public health measures. Depending on the context, these range from the implementation of simple hygienic rules to measures such as social distancing or lockdowns that cause major disruptions in citizens’ daily lives. The success of these crucial public health measures rests on the public's willingness to comply. However, individual differences in following the official public health recommendations for stopping the spread of COVID-19 have not yet to our knowledge been assessed. This study aims to fill this gap by assessing the sociodemographic and psychological correlates of implementing public health recommendations that aim to halt the COVID-19 pandemic. We investigate these associations in the context of France, one of the countries that has been most severely affected by the pandemic, and which ended up under a nationwide lockdown on March 17. In the next sections we describe our theoretical expectations over the associations between sociodemographics, personality, ideology, and emotions with abiding by the COVID-19 public health measures. We then test these hypotheses using data from the French Election Study.

Analyser les réactions d’une population à la pandémie est indispensable. Mais pour en comprendre les fondements, comparer les réactions de plusieurs pays est également essentiel. C’est ce qu’a entrepris le CEVIPOF en mettant en place le projet “Citizens’ Attitudes Under the COVID-19 Pandemic”, qui repose sur des sondages conduits dans 18 pays - du Canada à l’Afrique du Sud en passant par la France ou la Nouvelle Zélande.

De nombreuses mesures de limitations des libertés publiques ont été prises par les pays confrontés à la pandémie de Covid-19. Dans les faits, cette crise a autorisé la mise entre parenthèses d’un certain nombre de valeurs essentielles pour les démocraties occidentales : libertés de circulation et d’entreprendre, libertés de réunion et de manifestation ainsi que, de façon indirecte, droit à la vie privée et familiale et droit à l’éducation. En France, la théorie des circonstances exceptionnelles ou encore l’article L. 3131-1 du code de la Santé publique ont pu servir d’appui à ces mesures privatives de libertés avant le vote d’un état d’urgence sanitaire par la loi du 23 mars 2020. L’une des traductions les plus spectaculaires de cette limitation des libertés réside probablement dans le confinement à domicile qui, au 7 avril 2020, concernait 4 milliards de personnes. Ce chiffre qui semblait pourtant difficile à imaginer il y a seulement quelques semaines interroge sur les formes de résilience des citoyens. Dans cette configuration nationale et internationale particulière, il a semblé utile de s’intéresser aux attitudes des Français sur ces mesures privatives de libertés. (début de l'article)

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