Texte intégral
  • Oui (6)
  • Non (1)
Type de Document
  • Rapport (3)
  • Article (1)
  • Partie ou chapitre de livre (1)
  • Numéro de périodique (1)
  • Voir plus
Centre de Recherche
  • Université Libre de Bruxelles (7)
  • Centre de recherches internationales (4)
  • Centre de recherches politiques de Sciences Po (3)
  • Centre de recherches politiques de Sciences Po (CEVIPOF) (1)
Discipline
  • Science politique (7)
  • Sociologie (1)
Langue
  • Anglais (4)
  • Français (3)
6
vues

0
téléchargements
In the wake of the disclosures surrounding PRISM and other US surveillance programmes, this study makes an assessment of the large-scale surveillance practices by a selection of EU member states: the UK, Sweden, France, Germany and the Netherlands. Given the large-scale nature of surveillance practices at stake, which represent a reconfiguration of traditional intelligence gathering, the study contends that an analysis of European surveillance programmes cannot be reduced to a question of balance between data protection versus national security, but has to be framed in terms of collective freedoms and democracy. It finds that four of the five EU member states selected for in-depth examination are engaging in some form of large-scale interception and surveillance of communication data, and identifies parallels and discrepancies between these programmes and the NSA-run operations. The study argues that these surveillance programmes do not stand outside the realm of EU intervention but can be engaged from an EU law perspective via (i) an understanding of national security in a democratic rule of law framework where fundamental human rights standards and judicial oversight constitute key standards; (ii) the risks presented to the internal security of the Union as a whole as well as the privacy of EU citizens as data owners, and (iii) the potential spillover into the activities and responsibilities of EU agencies. The study then presents a set of policy recommendations to the European Parliament.

This study, commissioned by the European Parliament's Policy Department for Citizens' Rights and Constitutional Affairs at the request of the LIBE Committee, appraises the revised legislative proposals (‘package’) on EU smart borders adopted by the European Commission on 6 April 2016. It provides a general assessment of the package, focusing in particular on costs, technical feasibility and overall proportionality, and a fundamental rights check of the initiative.

33
vues

33
téléchargements
This study, commissioned by the European Parliament’s Policy Department for Citizens’ Rights and Constitutional Affairs at the request of the LIBE Committee, appraises the implications of the United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the European Union for the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice and protection of personal data for law enforcement purposes. It maps the various policy areas in which the UK is currently participating and analyses the requirements for the disentanglement of the UK from them, as well as the prerequisites for possible UK participation in AFSJ policies after withdrawal. Furthermore, it provides an assessment of the political and operational impact of Brexit for the EU in the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice.

Publié en 2015-12
CARRERA Sergio
GUILD Elspeth
GUITTET Emmanuel-Pierre
MITSILEGAS Valsamis
RAGAZZI Francesco
SCHERRER Amandine
25
vues

25
téléchargements
This paper examines the EU’s counter-terrorism policies responding to the Paris attacks of 13 November 2015. It argues that these events call for a re-think of the current information-sharing and preventive-justice model guiding the EU’s counter-terrorism tools, along with security agencies such as Europol and Eurojust. Priority should be given to independently evaluating ‘what has worked’ and ‘what has not’ when it comes to police and criminal justice cooperation in the Union. Current EU counter-terrorism policies face two challenges: one is related to their efficiency and other concerns their legality. ‘More data’ without the necessary human resources, more effective cross-border operational cooperation and more trust between the law enforcement authorities of EU member states is not an efficient policy response. Large-scale surveillance and preventive justice techniques are also incompatible with the legal and judicial standards developed by the Court of Justice of the EU. The EU can bring further added value first, by boosting traditional policing and criminal justice cooperation to fight terrorism; second, by re-directing EU agencies’ competences towards more coordination and support in cross-border operational cooperation and joint investigations, subject to greater accountability checks (Europol and Eurojust +); and third, by improving the use of policy measures following a criminal justice-led cooperation model focused on improving cross-border joint investigations and the use of information that meets the quality standards of ‘evidence’ in criminal judicial proceedings. Any EU and national counter-terrorism policies must not undermine democratic rule of law, fundamental rights or the EU’s founding constitutional principles, such as the free movement of persons and the Schengen system. Otherwise, these policies will defeat their purpose by generating more insecurity, instability, mistrust and legal uncertainty for all.

0
vues

0
téléchargements
Les gains et les pertes enregistrés par M. Mitterrand par rapport aux résultats des formations de gauche en 1973 correspondent à des reclassements qui affectent à la fois l'électorat de la gauche non communiste et l'électorat centriste. La fraction la plus anticommuniste de l'électorat socialiste — celle qui refusait d'appliquer la « discipline de gauche » aux élections législatives et soutenait des alliances municipales de « troisième force » — tend à abandonner le vote de gauche et fait en partie défaut à M. Mitterrand. Il en va de même de la majorité des électeurs centristes qui, en 1967 notamment, apportaient leur appui aux candidats de gauche aux élections législatives, et qui rejoignent le regroupement conservateur englobant gaullistes et modérés. Seule une minorité d'électeurs centristes refuse cette évolution et semble s'engager dans la voie d'un re-classement à gauche en votant pour M. Mitterrand dès le premier tour de l'élection présidentielle. L'ensemble de ces mouvements traduit un recul du « social-centrisme » défini comme la propension d'une fraction de la gauche non communiste et de l'électorat modéré à voter pour des candidats socialistes et à soutenir des alliances de « troisième force » dans une perspective anticommuniste.

2
vues

0
téléchargements
Contrairement à certains discours tenus à propos des habitants des grands ensembles, notre enquête, parce qu'elle repose sur une acception large et non institutionnelle du politique, tend à conclure à la diversité des attitudes politiques de la population résidant dans la cité « des 4000 Logements » de La Courneuve. Cette diversité s'observe tant sur les modalités de l'expression politique, que sur les logiques qui président aux orientations et aux choix politiques.

in Revue française de science politique Sous la direction de PLATONE Francois, RANGER Jean, DUPOIRIER Elisabeth Publié en 1977-12
2
vues

0
téléchargements