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  • CHAUDET Didier (3)
  • RAMEL Frédéric (3)
  • PARMENTIER Florent (3)
  • PHILIPPE Sébastien (2)
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  • Article (15)
  • Partie ou chapitre de livre (12)
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in International Security Publié en 2019-03-14
SNYDER Ryan
LIEBER Keir A
PRESS Daryl G
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Ryan Snyder and Benoît Pelopidas respond to Keir A. Lieber and Daryl G. Press's spring 2017 article, “The New Era of Counterforce: Technological Change and the Future of Nuclear Deterrence.”

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This essay reflects on Stanley Hoffmann’s contributions as a scholar and public intellectual. We focus on Stanley Hoffmann’s scholarly, intellectual and ethical legacy by highlighting two sets of contributions, where his work challenged much international relations scholarship in the second half of the 20th century. First, we identify the ways in which his research speaks to important policy concerns, whilst maintaining a certain detachment from the corridors of power. This is a distinctive approach to policy relevance that allowed Hoffmann to contribute to public debate and raise important challenges to prevailing policies at crucial moments. Second, we stress the importance of Hoffmann’s arguments for a humanistic approach to the social sciences and international relations, a plea that remains relevant in an age of heightened scientific ambitions.

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This innovative study presents an in-depth political and sociological analysis of the internal power politics and imperial forms developed by the Russian neo-eurasianists and the neo-conservatives in the United States. It traces the growth of nationalism and the concept of 'Empire' in relation to the ideologies and foreign policy of both Russia and the USA. Beginning with a genealogy of the two movements, the authors present the intricacy of imperial rhetoric and nationalist ideologies in modern states compared with the distinctive definition of Empire as a politico-historical form. The extent to which these ideas have shaped the foreign policy of Russia and the USA is then related to events in Central Asia, Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia and Turkey. The analysis of each case provides a better understanding of the imperial character of these foreign policies in relation to their nationalist foundations. The combination of political theory and geopolitics makes this cutting-edge research a must read to all interested in the evolving discourse surrounding Empire.

in Revue internationale et stratégique Publié en 2010
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Plan de l'article : - Résignation et soupçon : deux attitudes épargnant les politiques de non-prolifération - Pour une approche politique et stratégique des choix nucléaires militaires

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Security studies scholarship on nuclear weapons is particularly prone to self-censorship. In this essay, I argue that this self-censorship is problematic. The vulnerability, secrecy, and limits to accountability created by nuclear weapons (Deudney 2007, 256–57; Born, Gill, and Hânggi 2010; Cohen 2010, 147) call for responsible scholarship vis-à-vis the general public. This need for renewed and expanded scholarly responsibility is especially pressing given current plans among nuclear-weapon states to “modernize” their nuclear arsenals, committing their citizens and children to live in nuclear-armed countries and, a fortiori, a nuclear armed world (Mecklin 2015). Despite this need, the existing reflexive literature in security studies—calling for greater scholarly responsibility (see Steele and Amoureux 2016; Waever 2015, 95–100)—has neither specifically focused on nuclear weapons nor explored the forms of self-censorship identified here as shaping a modality of responsibility. In making this case, I define self-censorship in nuclear weapons scholarship as unnecessary boundaries on scholarly discourse within security studies. In this article, I identify three forms of self-censorship: an epistemological self-censorship that denies the normative foundations of nuclear studies; a rhetorically induced form of censorship that leads scholars to stay away from radical reorderings of the world (e.g., world government or the abolition of nuclear weapons) because of the joint rhetorical effects of the tropes of non-proliferation and deterrence; and, finally, a “presentist imaginal” form of self-censorship that leads scholars to obfuscate the implicit bets they make on their considered possible futures and their constitutive effects on the “present” they analyze. I do not claim that these are the only forms of self-censorship. I also leave aside the non-discursive structures of knowledge production and the institutional and political constraints on nuclear studies. However, as I show in the concluding section, these three forms of self-censorship result in an

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As Californians and many people in the United States know, the two-day closure of a critical highway in Los Angeles last weekend was predicted by some to lead to a so-called Carmageddon. How does such a word come into existence and reach the status of a ritualized utterance? Combining a monster traffic jam and the apocalypse is far from obvious, after all. How can gridlock on the roadways be compared to mass death? The use of the word as the title for a violent video game, the media's tendency to sensationalize the news, and the Californian focus on the Hollywood past of mass destruction of its former governor are not enough to account for this strange portmanteau word...

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La crise nucléaire nord-coréenne et le prix Nobel de la Paix décerné à la Campagne internationale pour l’abolition des armes nucléaires (ICAN) pour son action conduisant à la conclusion d’un traité d’interdiction de ces armes ont récemment généré une prolifération des discours « experts » sur le nucléaire. Une série de contre-vérités et d’arguments d’autorité est venue saturer le discours public sur ce sujet, alors même que la France s’engage dans la perpétuation de son arsenal. Dans ce contexte, cette brève intervention vise à rétablir quelques faits fondamentaux à la lumière des avancées de la recherche et veut proposer des moyens de détecter le prêt-à-penser, les contrevérités et la désinvolture du discours « expert » français sur les armes nucléaires.

Publié en 2014-04
LEWIS Patricia
WILLIAMS Heather
PELOPIDAS Benoît
AGHLANI Sasan
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Nuclear weapons have not been detonated in violent conflict since 1945. The decades since then are commonly perceived – particularly in those countries that possess nuclear weapons – as an era of successful nuclear non-use and a vindication of the framework of nuclear deterrence. In this narrative, the fear of massive retaliation and a shared understanding and set of behaviours are believed to have prevented the use of nuclear weapons. Yet the decades since 1945 have been punctuated by a series of disturbing close calls. Evidence from many declassified documents, testimonies and interviews suggests that the world has, indeed, been lucky, given the number of instances in which nuclear weapons were nearly used inadvertently as a result of miscalculation or error...

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Though national and regional conflicts and international terrorism remain rife, since 1945 the world has not been subjected to truly pan-regional or trans-continental war. Over the following pages four experts in international security debate the role nuclear arsenals may have played in curbing large-scale conflict.

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