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  • BALZACQ Thierry (9)
  • CHARILLON Frédéric (6)
  • DIECKHOFF Miléna (4)
  • PORTIER Philippe (4)
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How are representations of violence influenced by the ‘agency of data’, in other words the social practices of data collection, analysis, dissemination, and practitioner reception? The DATAWAR project builds on the hypothesis that scientific output in quantitative conflict studies is driven less by theoretical innovation than by the ‘politics of data’: the availability, reputation, and mathematical malleability of numerical observations of conflict. We anticipate that the perceptions of conflict developed by practitioners who employ quantitative methods and sources are prone to distortion as a result of the nature of the available data, the type of mathematical models used to analyse and potentially ‘predict’ conflict, and reliance on a selective subset of theoretical approaches. DATAWAR will carry out the first systematic investigation of scientific practices in the field of quantitative conflict studies as well as the impact of these practices on practitioners’ vision of war, covering the full lifecycle of conflict data, from collection and analysis to their use and dissemination by military and diplomatic institutions, humanitarian organisations, and the media. The unique, cross-actor and cross-national perspective of DATAWAR aims to improve our understanding of the interactions between scholarly and applied uses of conflict data, beyond the established divide separating ‘data pessimists’ and ‘data optimists’.

in Site du CERI Publication date 2021-01-29
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Is There a Possible Dialogue Between Hegemony and Cosmopolitanism? Interview with Frédéric Ramel -- What do the two concepts of hegemony and cosmopolitanism imply? Are they opposed or is there a possible dialogue between them? In a recently published chapter (“Competition for Hegemony ” in the edited volume Cosmopolitanism in Hard Times), Professor of political science at Sciences Po CERI Frédéric Ramel questions these concepts and explores their scope. The following is an interview with the author. Interview by Miriam Perier, CERI.

in Cosmopolitanism in Hard Times Edited by CICCHELLI Vincenzo, MESURE Sylvie Publication date 2021-01-06
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‘I speak ... as a fellow citizen of the world’ (Obama, 2008). These were the words used by Barack Obama in Berlin in July 2008 during his first presidential campaign. If he explicitly echoed another very well-known assertion, that of President Kennedy ‘Ich bin ein Berliner,’ Obama seems here a cosmopolitan candidate. This interpretation relies not only on his own life, which is, to a certain extent, cosmopolitan; his father was Kenyan and he spent part of his childhood in Indonesia. He also elaborates his speeches by referring to this cosmopolitan tradition of thought (Hammack, 2010). In fact, his election generated hope not only in the United States but also in the rest of the world. This first black man who accessed to the highest political responsibility of the country embodies a cosmopolitan president. Peoples felt that his presidency would be as beneficial to Americans as to the nationals of other countries. The Nobel Peace Prize he received shortly after his enthronement strengthened such feeling. Indeed, Barack Obama would be a Kantian in the Oval Office (Selzer, 2010). This episode illustrates the link between hegemony and cosmopolitanism. The two do not seem antithetical. Such a link directly echoes the concept used for the first time in the history of political ideas. In the Peloponnesian War, Thucydides distinguishes between arkhe (control and domination) and hegemonia (legitimated leadership). While the first is based on instruments of coercion, the second means responsibility. In other words, hegemony differs from an imposed order or force but refers to the protection and recognition of others. The term is used to describe Sparta (and not Athens) by the Corinthians, who complain of being threatened by the Athenians. They call to the Spartans for help and, more fundamentally, ask them to secure their hegemony by protecting their allies. This idea of hegemony is applied at the individual level. For the Stoics, a hegemonic human being is a person responsible for himself. Hegemonism may be deformed and in this case, human beings deny themselves, deny others and their existence. The purpose of this chapter is to discuss this thesis and, more specifically, to show the limits of a virtuous link between hegemony (and a fortiori hegemonism) on one hand and cosmopolitanism on the other. The competition for hegemony specifically prevents a cosmopolitization of states. But this competition differs from the classic military struggle. We must point out that cosmopolitanisms are not uniform, but have different shades. They nonetheless refer to the same idea that the world relies on a legal or even political unification. In this chapter, I will use the Kantian model as the most important cosmopolitan source. After having specified the nature of relations between hegemony and cosmopolitanism in the theory of international relations (both scientific and normative), I will analyze a double dimension of this competition in the contemporary context. The first is located on the strategic level, the second has a normative aspect.

Edited by GRANGÉ Ninon, MOREAU Pierre-François, RAMEL Frédéric Publication date 2020-11-18 Collection Constitution de la modernité : 23
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Günther Anders (1902-1992) a voulu penser la situation de l’humanité après Auschwitz et Hiroshima et la possibilité de sa destruction totale. Ce volume rassemble des études sur son anthropologie, son rapport au judaïsme, ses conceptions de la morale, des catastrophes, de la guerre nuclé

Kick-off conference of DATAWAR Project -- Unlike many other projects currently funded to improve the understanding and prevention of political conflict and violence, this project does not aim at using data to develop and test yet another large-n statistical model. Instead, we will examine the ways in which scholars themselves produce and analyse ‘big data’, and how this may modify perceptions and interpretations of conflicts by practitioners and media actors. This ambition responds to the widespread calls for more reflexivity on the often-overseen biases and potential side-effects of data-driven and algorithm-based analysis of human behaviour. The central contribution of the project will be to provide the first in-depth analysis of scientific practices of quantitative conflict studies and their impact on practitioner perceptions. The project will deliver thoroughly empirically grounded insights into the ways in which data shape and potentially disturb perceptions of war. This will not only provide an essential contribution to the emerging scholarship problematizing the links between big data and security policy. It will also help to stimulate policy decisions on targeted funding for social science research by identifying gaps and biases in current quantitative research practices.

Edited by PORTIER Philippe, RAMEL Frédéric Publication date 2020-09-16 Collection Rencontres : 460
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On a pu souligner l’importance du facteur confessionnel dans les conflits armés contemporains, interétatiques mais aussi intraétatiques. Cet ouvrage ambitionne de proposer un schéma d’analyse de cette situation nouvelle, en refusant la thèse de la fatalité belligène du religieux.

in Le Religieux dans les conflits armés contemporains Edited by PORTIER Philippe, RAMEL Frédéric Publication date 2020-09-16
PORTIER Philippe
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[Résumé de l'ouvrage] On a pu souligner l’importance du facteur confessionnel dans les conflits armés contemporains, interétatiques mais aussi intraétatiques. Cet ouvrage ambitionne de proposer un schéma d’analyse de cette situation nouvelle, en refusant la thèse de la fatalité belligène du religieux.

in Ideologies in World Politics Edited by GIESEN Klaus-Gerd Publication date 2020-09-15
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The degradation of commons, as non-terrestrial spaces accessible to all and owned by none, is a very well known tragedy explored by political theory and IR. But such a tragedy extends environmental issues. Nowadays, their militarization and even their weaponization shows a new interest for these commons, beyond the indifference that explains many behaviors towards them. The United States and the emerging powers tend to appropriate these global commons from high sea to extra-atmospheric space and of course cyber. A new front line arises between freedom of navigation in these spaces and the will of balkanization for protecting sovereignty by several States that adopt access denial grand strategies. A global state of war results from this opposition. It suggests new types of warfare (more opaque and clandestine). This context nourishes a contestation of american domination but also an unprecedented concern: global commons do not embody an object of disinterest but a source of confrontations per se beyond the quarrels of territories which punctuated the history of international relations in modernity.

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Ancien Directeur scientifique de l’Institut de recherche stratégique de l’Ecole militaire (Ministère de la défense), Frédéric Ramel est aujourd’hui membre du CERI (Centre de Recherches Internationales) et directeur du Département d’étude politique de Sciences Po. Ses recherches portent sur les études stratégiques et sur les liens entre relations internationales et pensée politique. Il est l’un des pionniers de l’étude des usages de l’esthétique (et notamment de la musique) dans les relations internationales en coordonnant avec Cécile Prévost-Thomas en 2018, leur ouvrage : International Relations, Music and Diplomacy. Sounds and Voices on the International Stage.

in L'assemblée générale des Nations unies. Une institution politique mondiale Edited by DEVIN Guillaume, PETITEVILLE Franck, TORDJMAN Simon Publication date 2020-05
PETITEVILLE Franck
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Contrairement à l’idée selon laquelle les enjeux relatifs au désarmement et aux armes de destruction massive relèveraient plutôt de la compétence du Conseil de sécurité de l’ONU, l’Assemblée générale a toute légitimité pour statuer sur ces questions. La Charte des Nations unies stipule que « l’Assemblée générale peut étudier les principes généraux de coopération pour le maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales, y compris les principes régissant le désarmement et la réglementation des armements » (article 11). Sur le fondement de cette disposition, l’Assemblée a donné, de longue date, à sa Première commission (désarmement et sécurité internationale) la fonction de « formuler des recommandations dans le domaine du désarmement  »...

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