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in Diverging Capitalisms Publié en 2019-01
BAILEY Daniel
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in Reconfiguring European States in Crisis Publié en 2017-03
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Publié en 2012-08
HAY Colin
WINCOTT Daniel
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A state-of-the-art assessment of welfare provision, policy and reform at national and at EU level which spans the whole of Europe - East, West and Central. Uniquely broad-ranging in scope, and covering the latest research findings and theoretical debates, it provides a genuinely comparative overview text for students of the new Europe.

Sous la direction de COWLEY Philip, HAY Colin, HEFFERNAN Richard Publié en 2011-07
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British politics has experienced unprecedented change in recent years. The Conservative–Liberal Democrat coalition that emerged from the 2010 general election represented a marked departure from the single-party majorities Britain is accustomed to. And in the wake of the global economic crisis, the country now faces a new era of austerity. Cuts in public spending, together with the coalition's plans for a radical overhaul of public services, are likely to have profound political and social implications. For over 25 years, Developments in British Politics volumes have established an unrivalled reputation for accessible state-of-the-art coverage incorporating the latest research. Developments in British Politics 9 continues that tradition but with an entirely new set of specially commissioned chapters in which expert authors provide systematic and wide-ranging analysis of key trends, issues and debates.

in Resilient Liberalism in Europe's Political Economy Publié en 2013-08
SMITH Nicola
HAY Colin
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This chapter examines the origins, sustenance, and puncturing of the growth dynamic enjoyed by the United Kingdom and Ireland since the early 1990s. Often classified as ‘liberal market economies’, these two economies are particularly well matched for purposes of comparative analysis. They share not only a common legacy but also key structural similarities, such as their high levels of trade openness, their dependence on foreign direct investment, their membership in the EU (both since 1973), their flexible labour-market regimes (at least by European standards), their shared ‘liberal’ welfare tradition, and – of course – their common language. Yet, there are also notable differences between the two countries – not only in terms of their economic size and relative influence on the international stage but also their rather different and distinctive political traditions. For example, from 1987 onwards, Irish macroeconomic policy has been guided by ‘social-partnership’ agreements between the government and key social and economic interests, which have stood in stark contrast to the British system of free-collective bargaining. Given these differences and the path-dependent nature of political discourse, there might be strong reasons for anticipating divergent ideational and institutional responses even to common pressures and imperatives. Yet, as discussed in this chapter, there are striking similarities between the two countries in the development of political discourse and public policy in response to the crisis in recent years. (Introduction)

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The state is one of series of concepts (capitalism, patriarchy and class being others) which pose a particular kind of ontological difficulty and provoke a particular kind of ontological controversy – for it is far from self-evident that the object or entity to which they refer is in any obvious sense ‘real’. In this paper I make the case for developing a distinct political ontology of the state which builds from such a reflection. In the process, I argue that the state is neither real nor fictitious, but ‘as if real’ – a conceptual abstraction whose value is best seen as an open analytical question. Thus understood, the state possesses no agency per se though it serves to define and construct a series of contexts within which political agency is both authorized (in the name of the state) and enacted (by those thereby authorized). The state is thus revealed as a dynamic institutional complex whose unity is at best partial, the constantly evolving outcome of unifying tendencies and dis-unifying counter-tendencies.

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Not only did the global financial crisis transform the prevailing institutions, policies and practices of contemporary capitalism, it also had a profound impact upon the discipline of economics itself. From 2008 a different crisis, one of public legitimacy, engulfed academic economics as critics railed against its failure to predict the onset of unprecedented global economic turmoil. But despite the public focus upon the failings of mainstream economics, the rise of alternative disciplinary and epistemological perspectives has been muted. Scholars of international political economy (IPE), unconstrained by the debilitating equilibrium assumptions of neoclassical economics and keenly aware of the intimate connectivity between politics and economics, might justifiably have expected to make gains during the economics profession's darkest hour. That they have not managed, thus far, to substantially unsettle the intellectual and institutional predominance of economics should not, however, be a source of dismay. Political economy scholars possess the analytical tools to produce a much-needed counterpoint to prevailing academic economics. It is with demonstrating that capacity, and restating the holistic merits of political economy scholarship, that this Special Issue is concerned. Bringing together a number of diverse theoretical perspectives and employing a wide range of conceptual categories, this Special Issue showcases the rich variety of IPE scholarship and its collective capacity to generate much deeper and more holistic analyses of the global economic crisis than those provided by the reigning economics orthodoxy, and in doing so, to get what went wrong right.

in The drinks business Publié en 2018-04-18
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Bordeaux 2017 will perhaps always be remembered as the frost vintage. This is, of course, not inaccurate. Roughly 40% of the potential crop fell victim to the plummeting temperatures in the early morning of the 27 April 2017, the equivalent of 240 million litres of wine.

We are down to the wire with Britain set to elect a new government on Thursday. A Financial Times poll shows the Conservatives and Labour neck-and-neck at 34 percent. This suggests that neither Prime Minister David Cameron or his Labour opponent, Ed Miliband, will win an outright majority. If this is the case, there will be much horsetrading as the leading candidate seeks to form a coalition. It also means Nicola Sturgeon, the head of the Scottish National Party, will likely become a kingmaker.

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Le Brexit est une blessure que les Britanniques se sont auto-infligée. Ses conséquences sont véritablement ontologiques, car elles menacent l’existence même de la Grande-Bretagne en tant qu’espace politique et économique unifié. Le plus tragique, c’est que ceux qui ont bouleversé l’ordre britannique en votant en faveur du Brexit, le 23 juin dernier, n’ont certainement pas pris la mesure des conséquences de ce choix. La sortie de l’Union européenne va sans doute précipiter dans la récession une économie britannique déjà fragilisée – ce qui pourrait alors conduire à l’éclatement de la Grande-Bretagne. Pendant ce temps, l’Écosse se prépare à un second référendum sur son indépendance. En clair, la crise du Brexit est existentielle.

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