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in Contemporary Populists in Power Edited by DIECKHOFF Alain, JAFFRELOT Christophe, MASSICARD Elise Publication date 2021-11
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Independent regulatory agency has become the standard institutional choice in Western Europe. Little is known, however, about the involvement of legislators in their design and in their monitoring. In this paper, we analyse ex-ante and ex-post legislative involvement for 48 regulatory agencies enacted in France. We show that legislators debate and design more substantially agencies for which the government bill has already granted them more powers to appoint members to their board, or to be appointed as board members themselves. Once enacted, agencies that allow greater participation by legislators in their decision-making are subject to greater scrutiny, and this even after controlling for routine oversight activities. Regulatory domains matter, though only for ex-post legislative oversight. These results suggest that legislative involvement is selective and driven by strategic considerations. More fundamentally, they imply that legislative involvement could be more important in regulatory agency activities than usually assumed.

L’article apporte un éclairage sur quatre modalités d’intégration de résultats qualitatifs et quantitatifs en science politique. Elles sont appliquées à des configurations différentes, mais où le but est à chaque fois de répondre à une même question de recherche. Ces différentes approches sont illustrées à partir d’exemples tirés de la littérature en économique politique, portant respectivement sur la syndicalisation dans les démocraties capitalistes avancées, sur le vote économique, sur la régulation du secteur pharmaceutique et sur la régulation financière.

in The Oxford Handbook of the Welfare State Edited by BÉLAND Daniel, MORGAN Kimberly J, OBINGER Herbert Publication date 2021-10
GARRITZMANN Julian
HAUSERMANN Silja
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This chapter reviews the paradigm and spread of social investment policies, and discusses them as key elements of the “knowledge economy welfare state”. Social investments are policies that aim at creating, preserving, and mobilizing human skills and capabilities. The chapter discusses the emergence of social investment as a new social policy paradigm, presents different variants of the social investment approach, provides a mapping of social investment policies around the globe, discusses effects of social investment policies, and weighs in on important debates regarding the politics of social investment. The chapter closes with an outlook on avenues for future research.

The strengthening of the populist radical right poses an important challenge for European integration. This article explores whether democratic backsliding among member states has acted as a catalyst for broader PRR cooperation at the EU level. Studying the co-sponsorship and contents of parliamentary questions and roll-call vote cohesion of PRR representatives in the European Parliament from 2009 to 2019, we examine the extent and substance of their joint polity-based contestation of European integration. Our findings indicate that overall levels of PRR cooperation remain low and concentrated within European party groups, suggesting that ideological divergences between PRR actors and their institutional fragmentation within the EP still hamper their formal cooperation at the European level. These insights feed into debates on the potential and limitations of transnational cooperation of PRR actors.

Cette thèse explore et explique la diversité idéologique intra-partisane (DIP), que nous définissons comme la variété des positions idéologiques prises par les députés par rapport à leur parti à différents niveaux d’organisation. En mobilisant la théorie du principal-agent ainsi que la littérature sur l’organisation territoriale des partis politiques, nous considérons les députés comme des agents de différents principaux, les électeurs et le parti aux niveaux local, régional et national, dont les attentes vis-à-vis de leur agent peuvent être contradictoires. Nous proposons deux mesures de la DIP. Au niveau agrégé, à partir du désaccord des experts vis-à-vis de la position des partis sur plusieurs dimensions idéologiques, à partir des données de l’enquête Chapel Hill Expert Survey, sur 24 pays européens entre 1999 et 2019. Au niveau individuel, en construisant une distance textuelle entre les députés et leur parti à différents niveaux d’organisation, à partir de données Twitter en France et en Espagne entre 2016 et 2019. Nous trouvons que la DIP dépend principalement des variations du système électoral et de l’autonomie régionale entre, et au sein, des pays, ainsi que de la force électorale relative des députés et des différents principaux issus de leur parti. Nous distinguons deux situations : la dissidence et la diversité. Dans la première situation, les députés s’éloignent de leur parti dans son ensemble lorsque leur environnement institutionnel, partisan et local leur donne les moyens d’assurer leur réelection indépendamment de leur étiquette partisane. Dans la seconde situation, lorsque leur environnement institutionnel, partisan et local ne favorise pas leur autonomie vis-à-vis de leur parti, les députés expriment une position les rapprochant du niveau de leur parti le plus à même de maximiser leurs chances de réélection.

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Cette thèse examine les sources procédurales et fonctionnelles de la confiance politique en Europe. Elle définit ces deux sources comme étant la qualité de la démocratie et la qualité des services publics et procède selon deux volets d'arguments distincts mais complémentaires. Premièrement, à travers le prisme de la théorie de l'espérance et de la disconfirmation, on démontre que la confiance politique dépend à la fois des attentes démocratiques, des évaluations démocratiques et de la disconfirmation démocratique - trois mesures de la qualité de la démocratie - mais que la disconfirmation joue un rôle de médiateur dans la relation entre les attentes, les évaluations et la confiance. On utilise les données de l'ESS-6 pour tester ces associations. Deuxièmement, en mobilisant la littérature sur la micro-performance, on construit des modèles à l'intersection de la justice distributive, de l'équité procédurale et de l'efficacité fonctionnelle - trois mesures de la qualité des services publics - et de la confiance politique. La qualité de la scolarité et la qualité du maintien de l'ordre sont les exemples de services publics que nous analysons, et leurs effets respectifs sont testés à l'aide des données de l'ESS-2 et de l'ESS-5. Les résultats, qui sont des estimations multiniveaux, confirment les effets directs des attentes démocratiques, des évaluations et des disconfirmations ; cependant, la disconfirmation ne peut que servir de médiateur entre les attentes et la confiance politique. De même, les effets de l'équité procédurale et de l'efficacité fonctionnelle sont confirmés dans le contexte des deux services, et l'effet de la justice distributive ne peut être observé que dans le cas de la qualité du maintien de l'ordre. En somme, en plus de soutenir les théories de l'attente et de la micro-performance, ces résultats montrent que la qualité de la démocratie importe plus que la qualité des services publics.

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1ères lignes : Alors que la perspective de l’élection présidentielle de 2022 se fait de plus en plus sentir, et que les campagnes préélectorales sont lancées à droite sans méthode de départage clairement définie, les candidat(e)s de la droite hors et dans les murs tentent d’affirmer leur sensibilité idéologique particulière. Xavier Bertrand se réclame ainsi du gaullisme social, tandis que Valérie Pécresse se réclame d’Angela Merkel et de Margaret Thatcher et qu’Éric Ciotti occupe le créneau de la « droite forte ». Pour autant, ces tentatives de distinction peinent souvent à se concrétiser dans les programmes, qui ne font souvent apparaître que des divergences superficielles ou formelles. Déjà en 2016, à l’exception des projets de Nathalie Kosciusko-Morizet – à la tonalité moderniste – et de Jean-Frédéric Poisson – à la tonalité conservatrice –, les candidats à la primaire de la droite et du centre semblaient se distinguer bien plus par leur ethos et leur parcours politique que par leurs idées...

Le refus de se positionner sur l’axe droite-gauche caractérise le mouvement des Gilets jaunes renvoyant sans cesse dos à dos les formations politiques plutôt que de prendre parti pour l’une d’entre elles. Pourtant les Gilets jaunes, lorsqu’ils font leur apparition en France, s’expriment dans un espace public déjà nourri de tensions et de structures idéologiques préexistantes. À ce titre, leur action est nécessairement située, elle s’inscrit dans cet espace et en hérite certaines propriétés. Il est dès lors légitime de s’intéresser à la place qu’occupe le mouvement, notamment dans sa déclinaison numérique sur Facebook. Comment les pratiques de citation en ligne trahissent-elles non pas la couleur politique du mouvement, mais l’espace politique dont ils se nourrissent et qu’ils alimentent ? Cet article répond à cette question en introduisant un cadre méthodologique original qui permet d’étendre un plongement idéologique d’utilisateurs sur Twitter vers des posts publiés sur Facebook. Nous faisons d’abord appel à une analyse de correspondance pour réduire la matrice d’adjacence qui lie les parlementaires français à leurs followers sur Twitter. Cette première étape nous permet d’identifier deux axes latents qui sont déterminants pour expliquer la structure du réseau. La première dimension distribue les individus selon leur positionnement sur l’axe droite-gauche de l’espace politique. Nous interprétons la seconde dimension comme une mesure de la distance au pouvoir. Ces deux dimensions sous-tendent un espace dans lequel nous positionnons successivement des centaines de milliers d’utilisateurs de Twitter, les URLs et les médias cités sur cette plateforme et, par extension, les publications de près de 1000 groupes Facebook parmi les plus actifs associés au mouvement des Gilets jaunes. Nous quantifions finalement l’évolution des publications de ces groupes dans l’espace idéologique latent pour donner à la fois un sens et une réponse à la question de l’inclinaison politique du mouvement. Les dynamiques observées renforcent l’interprétation d’un mouvement qui, d’abord positionné très à droite, a rapidement opéré un glissement vers la gauche tout en restant fidèle à une attitude contestataire. Cette description par l’usage que les Gilets jaunes font des médias sur Facebook illustre parfaitement l’idée d’un populisme polyvalent.

This article examines public contestation of Europe by the far right in France. It investigates whether far-right mobilization on the EU has changed over time, and how it diverges in the party and non-party sectors. Specifically, we follow a politicization approach and address mobilization in terms of three interrelated dimensions: intensity, issue focus, and action repertoire. This allows comparing collective action in the electoral and protest arenas, thus assessing how the far right politicizes Europe in public debates. The study relies on a mixed quantitative and qualitative analysis of the content of the press releases posted by far-right parties and movements on their official websites, scraped automatically from 2012 to 2019. The results show that European integration is increasingly at the core of far-right politics in France, but its politicization unfolds in different ways in the protest and electoral arenas. As political conflict over the EU expands, far-right parties and non-party actors are challenged to differentiate their respective profiles. These findings complement existing research on the linkages between protest and elections, and suggest that the rooting of the far right in society is reconfiguring the structure of political conflict in Europe.

1st lines: The China of Xi Jing Ping is on course to become the first economic power of the world, overtaking the US around 2040 according to their own previsions. In parallel, Chinese leadership is massively investing in the upgrading and development of its army and fosters its political influence all over the globe, mostly through investments and political pressure. In many public occasions, Chinese leaders have expressed the view that the balance of power and influence was coming back to normal. The old state of China had been the most developed part of the world including many technical advances and sophisticated government more or less until the 12th century. The rise of Europe was explained by the success of the first capitalism of merchants, the cities, economic innovation and the slow making of the nation state. Seen from China, this cycle of extraordinary events, centuries of domination of Europe, then the US, is drawing to a close. Back to normal. China will become the centre of the world. The silk road initiative bears testimony of this attempt at global influence. In the eyes of Chinese leaders, therefore, the future capital or most prestigious city of the world should also be in China, hence the project of developing Jing-Jin-Ji, the urban region around Beijing as the most advanced urban region in the world that should attract flux of investments, visitors and radiate Chinese power. Beijing has come a long way. During the Maoist period, Chinese leaders tried to limit urbanization and demographic growth and all the emphasis was on industrialization and the making of the socialist city. With the coming age of market reforms pioneered under Deng Xiaoping, liberalization reforms paved the way for the stunning acceleration of urbanization, including in Beijing. Chinese cities were very much planned but as elsewhere, planning was only part of the story and planning failures were numerous. In the last fifteen years, the Chinese government has implemented a voluntarist regional policy aiming both at rebalancing economic growth on the western side of the country (hence the massive investment in Chongqing now 30 M inhabitants or Chengdu, 15 M) but also to reinforce the world influence of the three leading urban regions : Beijing, Shanghai and the Yangtze Delta (towards 100 M?). On top of those, the national urban policy is planning 15 metropolis or 15 Million inhabitants. The paper deals with the attempt to build a Chinese capital of the world, the combination of different modes of what seems to be a good city in a systematic way and the contradictions that arise.

in The Political Formulation of Policy Solutions: Arguments, Arenas, and Coalitions. Edited by ZITTOUN Philippe, FISCHER Frank, ZAHARIADIS Nikolaos Publication date 2021-07
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This chapter analyzes the emergence, the construction and the trajectory of road space reallocation as a policy solution to urban mobility challenges in different political contexts. Focusing on the notion of policy solution ownership (Gusfield, 1981) and drawing on extensive empirical work on sustainable urban mobility transitions in European cities, it contributes to the book’s main argument in three ways. First it examines how and by whom policy solution ownership is built and how it contributes to redefining the boundaries of a given problem in a highly competitive policy environment. Second, and following the work by Callon (1986) on problematization and interessement to account for improbable alliances in a highly fragmented policy context, it contributes to the understanding of how policy solution ownership opens new opportunities for urban elites to challenge existing urban governance arrangements and promote their own political agenda. Three, it discusses the role of framing in shaping the subsequent trajectory of this policy solution (Rochefort, Cobb, 1994) across different urban governance contexts. It argues that policy solution ownership was established through the continued efforts made by a coalition of policy entrepreneurs to transform a policy solution fitted for all seasons into an easily transferable set of standardized tools and techniques while at the same time shifting the attention away from car use reduction towards ensuring fair and equal access to the urban road network.

in Accounting for the Varieties of Volunteering. New Global Statistical Standards Tested Edited by GUIDI Riccardo, FONOVIĆ Ksenija, CAPPADOZZI Tania Publication date 2021-07
BIORCIO Roberto
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Volunteer Activism Influence Political Attitudes and Behavior? In this chapter, we propose a reflection on the relationship between volunteering and political participation. We will ask ourselves whether the specific traits that characterize volunteer engagement in various forms, individual or associative networks, interpersonal links, and the cultures that develop through these activities can influence political attitudes and different forms of political participation. In recent years, Italian citizens have scarcely harboured positive feelings toward politics but have rather exhibited indifference and often anger toward parties and representative institutions. Their willingness to participate has not diminished, 14 has rather taken on other forms quite different from the parties themselves (volunteering, associations, movements). These tendencies had already begun manifesting themselves in Italy in the 1980s with the growth of volunteer commitment at a social, individual, or group level. The weight of social volunteering, oriented to the production of public goods, has increased in the last 20 years, while the influence of political parties has been reduced, and the forms of citizens’ participation have been transformed. In general, a considerable amount of research indicates a significant relationship between volunteering and political participation. However, the relationship can take several different forms and meanings depending upon the type of association to which the volunteers are linked and the possible ways of expressing political participation. On the other hand, a hypothesis may also be put forth that volunteering and political commitment are both influenced by the same social conditions of the volunteers as well as by the territorial contexts in which they operate. Based on the survey results of the Istat Aspects of Daily Life (ADL) of 2013, this chapter shows proofs of a socialisation effects of volunteering on political skills and behaviour, reducing inequalities in political participation. Especially, an inclusive group’s style reduces the effects of exclusion from democratic political participation structured by social inequalities. In 2013, associationism was confirmed as a true school of democracy, namely, for the work- ing classes. Finally, we note that political and social participation differ in relation to their distribution on the respondents’ respective territories. The levels of latent and visible political participation can be significantly influenced by the levels of civicness that traditionally differentiate across the Italian regions, as has been noted since the beginning of Putnam’s research in the 1980s. However, in all regional areas, the experience of volunteering and participation in social associations increases political participation. The influence of this experience is much more relevant in the southern regions where a more limited level of civic participation is traditionally reported. In territories where civicism is lower, not only associationism itself play a fundamental role in the production of public goods, but it also serves as a fundamental driver of the socialization to democratic values and practices, even more so than in other parts of the Bel Paese.

Au printemps 2020, en France et ailleurs, des vidéos d’artistes autant que les applaudissements quotidiens de nombreux citoyens à leurs fenêtres ont manifesté une volonté de reconnaître celles et ceux qui risquaient d’être infectés par le virus Sars-CoV-2 du fait de leur activité professionnelle, qualifiés de travailleurs de « première et deuxième lignes ». Par cette expression, ce sont les soignants et tous les personnels en contact direct avec des patients atteints de Covid-19 qui étaient d’abord désignés mais aussi les « caissières, éboueurs, cadres, ouvriers, routiers, facteurs, paysans, PDG, […] les boulangers, les politiques, les équipages, les cheminots, les militaires, […] les ambulances, les taxis », et « tous ceux que j’oublie » pour reprendre une liste égrenée par Jean-Jacques Goldman dans une apparition vidéo chantée. Assurant en deux phrases la cohérence à leurs yeux nécessaire de cet impératif moral d’une reconnaissance et du débouché que doit lui offrir le droit, les avocats Jean-Paul Teissonnière et Sylvie Topaloff écrivent, à propos de la mort d’Aicha Issadounène, caissière et syndicaliste CGT à Saint-Denis décédée de la Covid-19 : « Un des effets de cette pandémie aura été que nous nous mettions à regarder avec reconnaissance et considération ces travailleurs autrefois invisibles. Au travers d’une juste indemnisation de ses enfants, nous dirons que nous ne les abandonnons pas sur le bord du chemin une fois la crise surmontée » (Teissonnière & Topaloff 2020)

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1ères lignes : Que s’est-il passé ces dix dernières années dans notre système médiatique ? Comment a-t-on pu en arriver à un tel réchauffement médiatique, qui est avant tout un échauffement général des esprits sous l’emprise d’un rythme de sollicitations et de réactions à haute fréquence ? Les réseaux sociaux « cool » des années 2000, du web 2.0, des contributions, ont été radicalement transformés et ont réussi à capter toute notre attention, en réception comme en production de messages et surtout d’images et de vidéos. En adoptant une approche pluridisciplinaire du numérique, Dominique Boullier, professeur des universités en sociologie au Centre d’européennes et de politiques comparées (CEE), a publié Comment sortir de l’emprise des réseaux sociaux (Le Passeur, 2020). Un ouvrage utile pour contrer les impacts toxiques du fonctionnement actuel des réseaux numériques et de notre portable...

in Cogito, Le magazine de la recherche Publication date 2021-06-29
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Interview with Charlotte Halpern -1st l ines :A New Research Area Interest in the results of public policies is growing among public institutions and civil society, while the environmental crisis is gaining importance on every level. Sciences Po has therefore expanded the scope of its Laboratory for interdisciplinary evaluation of public policies (LIEPP), in collaboration with Université de Paris, to include environmental issues. Presentation by Charlotte Halpern, head of this new programme. You recently took charge of LIEPP’s new research area, ‘environmental policies’. Why is it important to evaluate environmental policies? Charlotte Halpern: Environmental transformations and the climate emergency justify the introduction of a series of reforms and measures to accelerate the transition of modern societies and economies towards carbon neutrality by 2050. These measures also aim to reduce social/environmental inequalities and to ensure sustainable transformation of territorial development strategies. This new generation of public policies adds another layer to the decades of promises concerning environmental protection, sustainable development, green growth and energy transition. The climate agenda is attracting unprecedented attention as well as strong opposition from European citizens, who express their opinions in the streets, via social media and the ballot boxes. This research area analyses the efforts made by public policies in the field of the environment, in the widest possible sense, including sustainable development, climate change, green growth and its more recent additions, energy and ecological transitions, to explain the transition dynamics at play and to enlighten the decisions of stakeholders and decision makers. What role is played by public policies and stakeholders in driving and coordinating these transitions? What resources are implemented to put these transversal objectives into operation? How, using which levers, at what pace and to what extent will these schemes transform our current systems? What sectoral and territorial variations can be seen? What results have been observed? Which social groups, territories and economic sectors benefit most? What effects do they have on political systems and their varying capacities to integrate climate issues?

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1ères lignes : Les élections régionales et départementales de 2021 ont été préparées comme une rampe de lancement pour la séquence présidentielle des Républicains (LR), grâce à leur implantation territoriale censée en faire un parti à ne pas oublier trop rapidement dans la lutte pour la conquête du pouvoir national. Eclipsés par les bons, voire très bons scores réalisés par les candidats de droite au premier tour, ces derniers mois ont pourtant représenté un défi de taille pour une organisation semblant incapable de contrôler ses cadres et de moins en moins à même de déterminer seule les plans de bataille de la famille de la droite française.

in Sociology Compass Publication date 2021-06
CHAUVIN Sébastien
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In recent decades, accelerating processes of globalization and an increase in economic inequality in most of the world's countries have raised the question of the emergence of a new bourgeoisie integrated at the global level, sometimes described as a global super-bourgeoisie. This group would be distinguished by its unequaled level of wealth and global interconnectedness, its transnational ubiquity and concentration in the planet's major global cities, its specific culture, consumption habits, sites of sociability and shared references, and even by class consciousness and capacity to act collectively. This article successively discusses how the social sciences have examined these various dimensions of the question and begun to provide systematic empirical answers.

This article addresses the question of whether populist parties behave differently from other political parties in parliament. Building on the attention-based perspective of the study of policy agendas, we map issue emphasis in parliamentary questions in Italy over more than two decades (1996–2019). The paper is innovative as it compares populist and non-populist parties in government and in opposition. Using data from the Italian Policy Agendas Project and The PopuList, we find mixed evidence. Specifically, we show that populist parties behave differently from other parties only when they are in opposition (signalling that they are different from ‘elite’ ones) but not when in government (signalling that they are ‘competent’ policymakers). While the results are exploratory and drawn from the Italian context, this study contributes to deflate the myth of populists' exceptionalism, at least in terms of their behaviour in parliament. As such, it holds broader implications for the scholarly understanding of party government and the so-called ‘normalization’ of populism in contemporary democracies.

Publication date 2021-06 Collection Questioni di genere
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Gli studi sul movimento femminista italiano presentano ancora molte lacune, e questo volume ne colma una fondamentale: quella della comparsa del femminismo della cosiddetta "seconda ondata" (quello degli anni Settanta) da uno dei luoghi simbolo del Sessantotto studentesco (la facoltà di Sociologia di Trento). È la storia di un'altra rivoluzione e, al contempo, di una rivoluzione altra, quella delle donne. Un lavoro di ricerca che mette in dialogo la storia delle donne e la sociologia dei movimenti sociali, in cui la vicenda locale viene costantemente posta in relazione al più ampio quadro italiano, con un ricco e inedito corpus di documenti e le interviste condotte con le protagoniste. Ma anche un racconto di grande vivacità, capace di rivolgersi a un pubblico non solo specialistico.Gli studi sul movimento femminista italiano presentano ancora molte lacune, e questo volume ne colma una fondamentale: quella della comparsa del femminismo della cosiddetta "seconda ondata" (quello degli anni Settanta) da uno dei luoghi simbolo del Sessantotto studentesco (la facoltà di Sociologia di Trento). È la storia di un'altra rivoluzione e, al contempo, di una rivoluzione altra, quella delle donne. Un lavoro di ricerca che mette in dialogo la storia delle donne e la sociologia dei movimenti sociali, in cui la vicenda locale viene costantemente posta in relazione al più ampio quadro italiano, con un ricco e inedito corpus di documenti e le interviste condotte con le protagoniste. Ma anche un racconto di grande vivacità, capace di rivolgersi a un pubblico non solo specialistico.

in Presidents, Unified Government and Legislative Control Edited by TSAI Jung-hsiang Publication date 2021-06
LECOMTE Damien
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Cette contribution étudie les logiques du soutien de la majorité parlementaire aux projets législatifs impulsés par le président de la République en France. Ce soutien est important mais tend néanmoins à décroitre au fils des décennies. Il se fonde tant sur des logiques structurelles, de règles constitutionnelles et électorales, que sur des facteurs contextuels dont la qualité du management du groupe majoritaire par l’exécutif.

in Partecipazione e conflitto Publication date 2021-06
ALTERI Luca
PARKS Louisa
RAFFINI Luca
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The pandemic caused by the rapid spread of the Covid-19 virus has revealed impacts well beyond those linked to health. Indeed, it has established itself as what Mauss called a "total social fact", that is, an event that affects every single aspect of society. In this editorial we present some initial reflections on the myriad ways in which the pandemic will affect the State and the relationship between States and citizens as played out in spheres of everyday life. We begin with a brief historical overview of pandemics and the patterns, contradictions and lessons they have left, before looking at the crisis context in which the current pandemic is unfolding. We then take a look at the myriad ways in which the pandemic underlines, emphasises and exacerbates a fundamental rift in the relationship between states and citizens by discussing risk, expertise, communication, de- and re-politicisation and more. We conclude by asking ourselves if - beyond the liberal democracy vs autocracy dichotomy - the Post-Covid scenario may conduce toward a new social contract. Finally, we look to existing sociological work that might provide fruitful in moving forward to address this rift, and provide brief overviews of the contributions in this direction from the authors in this special issue.

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Cet article étudie le discours des militants des Républicains à propos du Front national, sachant le dilemme de la droite partisane tiraillée entre convergence idéologique et responsabilité démocratique. Cette enquête s’appuie pour cela sur une enquête localisée dans trois villes moyennes françaises, dont une ville méditerranéenne. Elle identifie un registre normatif propre aux militants LR, davantage axée sur la préservation d’un ordre socioéconomique et la distinction entre partis protestataires et de gouvernement que sur la préservation d’un ordre démocratique et républicain. Elle montre en revanche que ce registre s’exprime différemment selon l’environnement sociopolitique des militants, et que l’opposition de principe au Front national peut être fragilisée selon la situation politique et électorale locale.

in Partecipazione e conflitto Edited by ALTERI Luca, PARKS Louisa, RAFFINI Luca, VITALE Tommaso Publication date 2021-06
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The articles in this Special Issue are organised around two main subtopics linked to how the pandemic relates to the dynamics of existing crises: the governance of the Covid-19 pandemic, and political scenarios after the pandemic. Table of contents:

The article explores the first development of the Second Wave Feminist movement in Trento (Italy). With the new-born faculty of Sociology (founded in 1962, the first in Italy), Trento has become one of the symbols of the ‘68 movement and its neuralgic role in that mobilization has been extensively studied. However, in the same period Trento was also one of the first Italian cities in which the Second wave feminist movement made its appearance. This article reconstructs the untold story of that pioneering political experience, which played a crucial, yet forgotten role in the development of the Italian feminist movement. The research, at the crossroads of sociology and history, is based both on archival research and 30 in-depth interviews with the activists involved in the foundation of one of the first Italian feminist groups: il Cerchio spezzato (the Broken circle).

in The Conversation Publication date 2021-05-19
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1ères lignes : L’imbroglio que vivent Les Républicains en PACA autour de la candidature de Renaud Muselier et de sa demi-alliance avec le parti présidentiel – qui a conduit certains de ses camarades élus à le désavouer quand d’autres, à l’image des maires de Nice et Toulon Christian Estrosi et Hubert Falco, ont choisi de quitter officiellement leur parti – apparaît comme un concentré de ce que vit la famille politique de la droite depuis plusieurs années.

in Cogito Research Magazine Publication date 2021-05-17
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1st lines/ The democratisation of central and eastern Europe was initially celebrated as a historical success story. A European subcontinent moved from communist authoritarian regimes to reasonably functioning democracies based on competitive political systems with the rotation of power. However, by the second decade of the 21st century, the grapes of democracy started to sour. A number of countries, most notably Hungary and Poland, elected leaders and parties who explicitly aim to circumscribe pluralism, undermine independent media, and limit judicial oversight, establishing what the Hungarian Prime Minister, Victor Orbán, calls “illiberal democracy.”

in Cogito, Research Magazine Publication date 2021-05-17
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1st lines: With his blond hair, rapid ascension through the ranks thanks to political polarisation, and a capacity to ignore cumbersome objective facts, Boris Johnson, known as Boris or BoJo, has often been compared with Donald Trump, of whom he was, until October 2020, a fervent supporter. But do these similarities suffice to make Johnson a populist leader? Is he at the head of a populist movement? Is British democracy under threat?

in Sociologia política da ação pública : teorias, abordagens e conceitos Edited by PORTO DE OLIVEIRA Osmany, HASSENTEUFEL Patrick Publication date 2021-05
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Ce chapitre consacré aux instruments d'action publique s'inscrit dans un ouvrage est le résultat d'une série de discussions entre les auteurs et un groupe de chercheurs brésiliens et français, initiées après avoir constaté l'absence d'un texte de référence au Brésil sur la réflexion et l'utilisation des approches de la sociologie de l'action publique. L'objectif de cet ouvrage est de présenter les perspectives françaises d'analyse des politiques publiques aux personnes intéressées par le sujet. Il s'agit d'un livre qui aspire à servir des publics variés, tels que les universitaires, les chercheurs, les organisations gouvernementales et non gouvernementales, le secteur privé, les journalistes, les étudiants ou les citoyens intéressés par le sujet.

in International Journal of Parliamentary Studies Publication date 2021-05
BAR-SIMANN-TOV Ittai
WAISMEL-MANOR Israel
LEVANON Asaf
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This research note introduces two novel indexes designed to measure legislative activity (ParlAct) and use of digital devices to maintain legislative functions (ParlTech) during the first wave of the Covid-19 pandemic. It will also present a novel comprehensive dataset on the functioning of legislatures during a critical period of the pandemic, providing scores for 152 domestic legislatures on both the ParlAct and ParlTech indexes. It will be argued that both indexes could also serve as templates for future research on legislative activity during other pandemics, crises and contingencies.

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