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in European Journal of Social Security Publié en 2011-03
GRAZIANO Paolo Roberto
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In recent years, European institutions have promoted the development of reconciliation policies in an overall context where most European countries are saying 'farewell to maternalism' (Orloff 2006) and are now implementing policies aimed at helping individuals (especially women) to combine paid work and family responsibilities. Is it possible to consider that these changes in national reconciliation policies have been due to EU actions in this policy field and, if so, what are the mechanisms of possible EU influence? In section one, we review the Europeanisation literature in order to situate our own perspective. In the second section, we present our approach in terms of 'national usages of Europe" In section three, we come back to the policy content to be analysed, presenting the EU definitions of reconciliation policies, and reviewing the tools we have used to situate each national case of care regimes and reconciliation policies. In the fourth section, we introduce our common hypotheses and the analytical framework that is used in all the articles of this special issue. Finally, in section five, we summarise our main findings.

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Feminist scholarship changed the study of welfare states; influential policy experts have taken off from the feminist critique, incorporating it as they crafted their own social investment strategy, (mis-)translating (and transforming) feminist arguments into an economic rationale. Social science mattered as well: it helped to create a new policy paradigm that is influential across a number of political spaces. Public policy analysis thus needs to pay attention to intellectual processes, emphasizing the role of knowledge in politics; in policy-making, there is puzzling, not only powering. But nobody masters her ideas, or her political actions: actors can deploy “frames,” or discourses, but cannot control what happens to them politically.

in European Journal of Social Security Publié en 2011-03
GRAZIANO Paolo Roberto
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In recent years, European institutions have promoted the development of reconciliation policies in an overall context where most European countries are saying 'farewell to maternalism' (Orloff 2006) and are now implementing policies aimed at helping individuals (especially women) to combine paid work and family responsibilities. Is it possible to consider that these changes in national reconciliation policies have been due to EU actions in this policy field and, if so, what are the mechanisms of possible EU influence? In section one, we review the Europeanisation literature in order to situate our own perspective. In the second section, we present our approach in terms of 'national usages of Europe" In section three, we come back to the policy content to be analysed, presenting the EU definitions of reconciliation policies, and reviewing the tools we have used to situate each national case of care regimes and reconciliation policies. In the fourth section, we introduce our common hypotheses and the analytical framework that is used in all the articles of this special issue. Finally, in section five, we summarise our main findings.

Premier paragraphe : Spécialiste de la question et professeur à Sciences Po, Bruno Palier juge que les mesures annoncées mardi sont insuffisantes, malgré quelques avancées notables.

in The Age of Dualization: The Changing Face of Inequality in Deindustrializing Societies Publié en 2012-01
EMMENEGGER Patrick
HAUSERMANN Silja
SEELEIB-KAISER Martin
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The principal component of a European social model was considered to be convergence of social outcomes toward the top. However, the latest economic and social trends are no longer characterized by a steady narrowing of the gap between the more and lesser advanced countries. While all European countries were affected by the economic crisis of 2008 and a coordinated response was put into place in 2009, since 2010, we see a growing divergence between two groups of countries in Europe. The first group, mainly in the North of Europe, concentrated around Germany, Austria, the Nordic countries, along with certain Eastern European countries having close economic ties to Germany, has steadily emerged from the crisis and resumed a positive economic and social path. The second group, however, comprised mainly of the Southern and Eastern periphery, remains stuck in negative economic and social situations following the crisis. This chapter demonstrates the initial economic convergence, followed by a stark divergence in certain economic and social outcomes after the crisis of 2008. It reviews the various explanations for these divergences. Finally, it considers the political outcomes of this economic and social dualization. We argue that despite the seemingly uniform rise of populist anti-EU challengers across Europe, these challengers differ significantly in the grievances they raise. Radical right parties are dominant in the center, while radical left parties outperform the radical right in the periphery, a dynamic that constitutes a second, political, dualization of Europe.

Tous les sondages précédant le scrutin, à commencer par les 4 vagues du Baromètre politique français ont montré la centralité des enjeux socio économiques dans la campagne présidentielle de 2007. C’est ce que confirme la première vague du Panel électoral français (PEF), terminée à la veille du scrutin du 22 avril : le chômage arrive largement en tête des problèmes cités comme les plus importants au moment de voter, suivi par les inégalités sociales et le pouvoir d’achat (classés en premier par respectivement 25, 12 et 10% de l’échantillon, et en premier ou en second par 39, 22 et 25%) (...).

in The Political Economy of Inequality and Social Integration Publié en 2017-07
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