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in Cambridge Handbook of Constitutional Theory Sous la direction de BELLAMY Richard, KING Jeff Publié en 2022
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What does it mean to treat people as equals when the legacies of feudalism, religious persecution, authoritarian, paternalistic and oligarchic government have shaped the landscape within which we must construct something better? This question has come to dominate much constitutional practice as well as philosophical inquiry in the past 50 years. The combination of Second Wave Feminism with the continuing struggle for racial equality in the 1970s brought into sharp relief the variety of ways in which people can be treated unequally, while respecting the formalities of constitutional government. Above all, what these two great political movements made plain, is that a concern for group inequality and, specifically, group injustice must figure in the formulation and adjudication of individual rights, if legal protections for equality are adequately to combat the causes of inequality. Getting to grips with that challenge, it became obvious, required going beyond the familiar analyses of inequality inherited from Liberalism and Marxism, given the many different ways in which people can be equal or unequal.(Hackett and Haslanger 2006, 3 - 15) In the first part of this chapter, I will seek to illustrate these claims, by focusing on efforts to reframe the theory and practice of constitutional equality in light of demands for sexual and racial equality. I will then show that analytic philosophy has also come to recognise the various non-reducible dimensions of equality in ways that reinforce the claims of critical legal theory, even as philosophers highlight their disconcerting consequences. If equality has multiple irreducible dimensions, conflicts between the legitimate demands of equality are unavoidable features of law and politics, even in the best possible world, and are likely to be particularly painful when set against a background of historical injustice. The chapter concludes with the challenges to democratic constitutionalism, and the scope for constructive responses to those challenges, which the rapprochement between critical and analytic thinking on equality suggests.

in Identification and Citizenship in Africa. Biometrics, the Documentary State and Bureaucratic Writings of the Self Sous la direction de AWENENGO DALBERTO Séverine, BANEGAS Richard Publié en 2021-05-10
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This chapter analyses the processes of bureaucratization and self-registration produced by the Koglweogo self-defence groups. It shows how they reappropriate institutional norms and practices in order to organize and legitimate their law enforcement activities. The production of their own means of identification, particularly membership cards, allows them to define and create a moral identity and thus to exclude ‘bad’ citizens from social space. It further serves as a means of seeking the state's recognition and legal validation.

in Identification and Citizenship in Africa. Biometrics, the Documentary State and Bureaucratic Writings of the Self Sous la direction de AWENENGO DALBERTO Séverine, BANEGAS Richard Publié en 2021-05-10
AWENENGO DALBERTO Séverine
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This introduction presents an overview of the key concepts discussed in the subsequent chapters of this book. The book explores scope to refine, and sometimes considerably qualify, certain points of this interpretation. It explains that personal identity booklets began to be issued in conjunction with the census in 1930. The book argues that the bureaucratic mobilization for the ethnic registration of Rwandans began immediately after independence, with major political effects. It describes the post-war identification reforms undertaken by the Ouattara regime certainly helped to deradicalize this ideological opposition under a technicist veneer, but at the price of a general amnesty for documentary fraud that amounted to state institutionalization of identity falsification. The book focuses on the use of ethnic identity cards in the violent history of Rwanda, and the preparation and conduct of the 1994 genocide.

in Identification and Citizenship in Africa. Biometrics, the Documentary State and Bureaucratic Writings of the Self Sous la direction de AWENENGO DALBERTO Séverine, BANEGAS Richard Publié en 2021-05-10
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How are the practices for verifying the identity of immigrant learners informed by the devices on which school staff rely? An analysis of the materiality and utilization of these devices in low-income Johannesburg high schools reveals that they form a mixed regime of identification in which documentary verification predominates and is linked with interpersonal certification and digital authentication. This mixed regime fosters the exclusion of immigrant learners, as it supports the joint enforcement of migration control in schools by the Department of Basic Education and the Department of Home Affairs. Digitalization reinforces paper barriers to schooling in the form of identification documentation requirements by limiting school staff's ability to circumvent them, in contexts marked by precarity and ordinary xenophobia.

in Identification and Citizenship in Africa. Biometrics, the Documentary State and Bureaucratic Writings of the Self Sous la direction de AWENENGO DALBERTO Séverine, BANEGAS Richard Publié en 2021-05-10
ROBERTSON Rachel
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In October 1947 in Uganda, the British colonial administration opened local consultations about the introduction of an ‘identity card for Africans.’ The consultation process concluded barely two months later, putting a definitive end to the project. Through a thorough examination of Ugandan and British archives and the East African press of the time, this article traces the failure of this project. It shows how, despite different political and economic contexts, the Ugandan process was impacted by the debates about the much-detested Kenyan kipande. This case study shows the intra-imperial circulation of identification schemes, personnel, and techniques as well as the common attempt to impose a moral order of the identity card. It also highlights the limits and resistance of a regionalized elite to the export of a model of political, social, and economic control.

in Identification and Citizenship in Africa. Biometrics, the Documentary State and Bureaucratic Writings of the Self Sous la direction de AWENENGO DALBERTO Séverine, BANEGAS Richard Publié en 2021-05-10
OWACHI Gerald
SNOW William
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Since 2014 in Uganda, 15,000 people defined or self-defined as Maragoli have not obtained a biometric identity card. Having migrated from Kenya in the 1950s, the Maragoli were not included on the constitutional list of so-called indigenous groups. Their quest for citizenship has prompted a ‘self-documentation’ effort, involving the production of an origin narrative, a self-census, the collection of historical archives, and booklets of official correspondence, to document their request for recognition of indigenousness. This contribution examines how identificatory policies in a context of bureaucratization and biometrization of legal identities have had a profound impact on the social fabric, on practices, and on representations of the collective identity, of self and citizenship. Paradoxically, through the materialization of identity technology, people are counted, identified, and categorized, but also negotiate their identity.

Sous la direction de AWENENGO DALBERTO Séverine, BANEGAS Richard Publié en 2021-05-10 Collection Routledge Contemporary Africa
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In the context of a global biometric turn, this book investigates processes of legal identification in Africa ‘from below,’ asking what this means for the relationship between citizens and the state. Almost half of the population of the African continent is thought to lack a legal identity, and many states see biometric technology as a reliable and efficient solution to the problem. However, this book shows that biometrics, far from securing identities and avoiding fraud or political distrust, can even participate in reinforcing exclusion and polarizing debates on citizenship and national belonging. It highlights the social and political embedding of legal identities and the resilience of the documentary state. Drawing on empirical research conducted across 14 countries, the book documents the processes, practices, and meanings of legal identification in Africa from the 1950s right up to the biometric boom. Beyond the classic opposition between surveillance and recognition, it demonstrates how analysing the social uses of IDs and tools of identification can give a fresh account of the state at work, the practices of citizenship, and the role of bureaucracy in the writing of the self in African societies. This book will be of an important reference for students and scholars of African studies, politics, human security, and anthropology and the sociology of the state.

in Identification and Citizenship in Africa. Biometrics, the Documentary State and Bureaucratic Writings of the Self Sous la direction de AWENENGO DALBERTO Séverine, BANEGAS Richard Publié en 2021-05-10
CUTOLO Armando
KOUYATE Souleymane
SNOW William
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In Côte d'Ivoire, documentary falsification encompasses a wide variety of practices and situations, including fake birth certificates, locally known as ‘René Cailliés.’ Since the early 2000s, successive governments have tried to put things in order through civil registration reforms. Among many measures the Ouattara government has taken to fix this issue since the war, the adoption of a personal biometric identification number was presented as the key to a modernity free from the relics of corruption and nationality fraud. Yet this reform did not eliminate the logic of social intermediation and brokerage (margouillats). Aware of the strength of this stipendiary chain of production of fake documents, President Ouattara passed a new law granting amnesty to all the René Cailliés. In an irony of history, the government paradoxically legalized informality and forgery to implement its biometric project for modernizing the legal identity system.

in Identification and Citizenship in Africa. Biometrics, the Documentary State and Bureaucratic Writings of the Self Sous la direction de AWENENGO DALBERTO Séverine, BANEGAS Richard Publié en 2021-05-10
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For 40 years, Nigeria has separated its citizens into two categories, ‘indigenes’ and ‘non-indigenes.’ Indigene citizens can trace their genealogical roots back to a community in a specific locality. All local governments issue certificates of indigene to certify this origin, but the techniques of identification and the definition of the term indigene vary radically from one local government to another. This chapter explores the relationship between local government officers, the chiefs working for them, and users seeking a certificate in Oyo State and Plateau State. This bureaucratic relationship is a form of ordinary state-citizen interaction, yet it redefines an exclusive local citizenship. The chapter seeks to understand how applicants engage with these procedures, how ancestral origins are investigated, and the conditions in which issuing certificates of indigene can become a controversial political issue.

in Identification and Citizenship in Africa. Biometrics, the Documentary State and Bureaucratic Writings of the Self Sous la direction de AWENENGO DALBERTO Séverine, BANEGAS Richard Publié en 2021-05-10
EDWARDS Jessica
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This contribution uses the private archives of Aicha, an Ivorian former combatant, to retrace part of her life during and after the Ivorian crisis. Her papers, mainly cards issued by institutions and actors involved in the crisis and its management (rebel forces, Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration programmes, and associations of ex-combatants), highlight the voluntary engagement of women in armed groups, bringing them back into the national narrative of activism and conflict. Her papers also inform us more broadly about the variety of bodies producing documents and shed light on the dissemination of bureaucratic reason among them. As such, this chapter analyses the place and role played by papers at different periods and among different actors in a society marked by a decade of ‘war of identification and for papers.’

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Si la feria de Séville s’inscrit dans une tradition vivace en Espagne de festivités populaires, elle s’en distingue nettement par son caractère très fermé. Organisée autour de casetas, petites maisons de toile aux décors traditionnels, la fête se déroule dans ces espaces qui sont très majoritairement privés (seules 1,7% des 1052 casetas sont ouvertes au public). Lieu de l’entre-soi social par excellence, de l’entretien (parfois sur plusieurs générations) d’un capital social familial, la feria questionne la société démocratique et donne lieu à des débats et controverses, notamment sur sa prise en charge municipale. Son modèle de fête à guichets fermés génère aussi un phénomène de « contre-feria », qui s’est notamment développé au moment de la transition démocratique autour d’organisations politiques d’opposition. Proposer une histoire de la feria qui morcelle le collectif, qui le désenchante et le réinscrive dans les trajectoires sociales et politiques des individus et des groupes qui y participent permet de faire de la feria, objet emblématique des chroniques locales et des brochures touristiques, un objet de sciences sociales depuis lequel s’étudient réseaux sociaux et politiques.

in Identification and Citizenship in Africa. Biometrics, the Documentary State and Bureaucratic Writings of the Self Sous la direction de AWENENGO DALBERTO Séverine, BANEGAS Richard Publié en 2021-05-10
AWENENGO DALBERTO Séverine
CUTOLO Armando
ROBERTSON Rachel
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This chapter examines the boom in new technologies for identifying people that African societies are experiencing and discusses their political effects. Is biometrics radically changing the practices of power and citizenship? Does it entail a new relationship between individuals and the state? Based on empirical studies conducted in several countries and on the academic literature, this contribution questions the utopias of biometric ‘emergence’ and the democratic illusion of the universalization of rights through digital technology. It shows that the documentary state as it works in practice is not supplanted by the biometric state and that new technologies do not prevent either identity fraud or political distrust—at times, they even accentuate the logic of civic exclusion. The chapter thus underlines the profound social embedding of biometric reforms and the undeniable ability of social actors to adapt to new technologies.

in The Historical Expertise Publié en 2021-05-06
MAJSOVA Natalija
ANASTASOVA Senka
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Having faced a veto by Bulgaria in its EU accession process for the third time, North Macedonia finds itself at the crossroads of various power interplays that are strongly embedded in memory politics. University Professor Dr. Senka Anastasova theorizes relations between history, historiography and narrative identities, and their ramifications in the context of memory politics. Specifically, she analyzes the memoryscape of North Macedonia, contextualizing the external pressures to North Macedonia’s EU accession process, implemented by EU member states Greece and Bulgaria. Reflecting on the importance of the socialist Yugoslav heritage of gender politics and Yugonostalgia, Anastasova outlines the numerous memory strategies used by the Macedonian political elites. In doing so, she accounts for the convergences and divergences between the two largest (Macedonian and Albanian) communities of North Macedonia. Her analysis of the project Skopje 2014, just one of the revisionist projects of the political elites, gives us an insight into the complicated memory struggles within and outside of North Macedonia.

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Excédés par le présumé laxisme des tribunaux, les justiciers autoproclamés s'évertuent à punir par eux-mêmes les fauteurs de trouble. Violant la loi pour maintenir l'ordre, ils s'improvisent détectives, juges et bourreaux. Adeptes du lynchage et autres châtiments spectaculaires, ils trouvent un nouveau public sur les réseaux sociaux. Des groupes d'autodéfense du Far West aux chasseurs de pédophiles en Russie contemporaine, les justiciers hors-la-loi sont typiquement des hommes blancs, réactionnaires et xénophobes. Toutefois, mouvements révolutionnaires et défenseurs des dominés ne s'interdisent pas de manier, à leur tour, le fouet et le feu. L'auto-justice compte en outre de fervents zélateurs dans les services répressifs. Et quand policiers et paramilitaires s'affranchissent du cadre légal pour nettoyer la société, ils précipitent l'avènement de l'État justicier.

in The Historical Expertise Publié en 2021-05-06
MAJSOVA Natalija
HORVATINČIĆ Sanja
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As the Republic of Croatia is considered today to be the stronghold of anti-Yugoslav sentiments among (post)Yugoslav states, we look into the complexities and nuances of memory politics in this newest EU member state. Mainstream narratives are embedded in the national reconciliation policies and anti-communism emanating from Franjo Tudjman’s politics in the 1990s and the Homeland war. Through historical revisionism of World War Two and the role of Ustasha movement, they profoundly influence Croatian approaches to socialist heritage. Dr Sanja Horvatinčić further elucidates the key mnemonic actors in Croatia and how the destruction and the dereliction of the monuments from the socialist Yugoslavia have been an important element in Croatian nation-building, encouraged by “anti-totalitarian” European memory activism.

Publié en 2021-05-06 Collection IJURR Studies in Urban and Social Change Book Series
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The cities of South Africa and Nigeria are reputed to be dangerous, teeming with slums, and dominated by the informal economy but we know little about how people are divided up, categorised and policed. Colonial governments assigned rights and punishments, banned categories considered problematic (delinquents, migrants, single women, street vendors) and give non-state organisations the power to police low-income neighbourhoods. Within this enduring legacy, a tangle of petty arrangements has developed to circumvent exclusion to public places and government offices. In this unpredictable urban reality – which has eluded all planning – individuals and social groups have changed areas of public action through exclusion, violence and negotiation. In combining historical and ethnographic methods, Classify, Exclude, Police explores the effects and limits of public action, and questions the possibility of comparison between cities often perceived as incommensurable. Focusing on state formation, urbanization, and daily lives, Laurent Fourchard addresses debates and controversies in comparative urban studies, history, political science, and urban anthropology. The book provides a systematic, comparative approach to the practices, processes, arrangements used to create boundaries, direct violence, and produce social, racial, gender, and generational differences.

in Encyclopedia of the Philosophy of Law and Social Philosophy Sous la direction de SELLERS Mortimer, KIRSTE Stephan Publié en 2021-05-06
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Karl Renner (1870–1950) is at once an imaginative scholar of multinationality and federalism, a pragmatic Austro–Marxist politician, a German nationalist nostalgic of the dual–monarchy, a legal relativist, and a proponent of economic democracy. Socialist, monarchist, and nationalist: it is difficult indeed to find a common denominator that would do justice to his long and complex career. Editor of the famous journal Der Kampf (the Austrian Social–Democrat twin of Kautsky’s Die Neue Zeit), negotiator at the Treaty of Saint–Germain (1918), he served in several capacities. First chancellor of the First Republic after WW2 (1918–1920), he managed to play Stalin when he became first president of the Second Republic after WW2 (1945–1950) and save Austria from becoming a satellite of the Soviet Union. He campaigned against Engelbert Dollfuss’ Austro-Fascism in the 1930s but, convinced by Austria’s cultural unity with Germany, voted for the Anschluß in 1938.

in The Historical Expertise Publié en 2021-05-06
MAJSOVA Natalija
ĐUREINOVIĆ Jelena
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Since the 2000s, the Republic of Serbia has been marked by a surge in revisionist memory politics. Encouraged by EU memory narratives, which equate fascism and communism, revisionist memory politics in Serbia entails a rehabilitation of the Chetnik movement. In this interview, historian Dr Jelena Đureinović debunks the myths surrounding the memory battles in the public space in Serbia and analyzes the diverging memory narratives in the country and in the wider (post)Yugoslav region. Đureinović explains how the ethnicization and revisionism of memory and history have been reflected in the newly adopted legal frameworks, judicial processes, mainstream political discourses and in the overall memory efforts of the political elites, including the Serbian Orthodox Church. While memory battles involving heterogeneous voices in Serbia remain focused on World War Two, seemingly more pertinent issues, namely, the reconciliation with the war past of the 1990s, are effectively obfuscated.

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In the guestworker system deployed in the Mauritian export factories, where migrants come to work on temporary contracts, employers and their labour brokers constantly need to hire new workers. And in this permanent renewal of the workforce, recruiters express their preferences for specific nationalities of employees and their disdain for others. Through in-depth interviews conducted with both employers and labour brokers, this contribution explores the production of a ‘knowledge’ on workers, a taxonomy that attributes certain qualities to certain people in the ranking of the ‘best worker’. The article contends that racialised assumptions on work ethic are intimately combined with a logic of profit maximisation, both dimensions being mutually constitutive of taxonomies at work.

in The Historical Expertise Publié en 2021-05-06
MAJSOVA Natalija
PALMBERGER Monika
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As Bosnia and Herzegovina remains a country institutionally-divided on an ethno-national basis between its three consitutuent peoples – Bosniaks, Croats and Serbs, top-down memory politics encourage these divisions. Using the still divided city of Mostar as an example, Dr. Monika Palmberger gives insight into the discursive tactics opposing hegemonic memory narratives, through a generational approach and focusing on the generation of the Last Yugoslavs, thus underlining the importance of studying the integrative potential of positive memories of the pre-war period.

Publié en 2021-05-06
BULMAN Anna
CORDES Kaitlin Y
MEHRANVAR Ladan
MERRILL Ella
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Increased investment in agriculture and food systems—from both the private and public sectors—is critical to enhance food security and nutrition, reduce poverty, and adapt to climate change. To generate sustainable benefits, this investment must be responsible. What role should investment incentives play in encouraging such investment? This Guide helps to answer that question. Specifically, the Guide provides policymakers and government technical staff with guidance on how investment incentives can be used (and how they should not be used) to enhance responsible investment in agriculture and food systems. The Guide provides an overview of responsible investment in agriculture and food systems; examines common types of incentives; offers general considerations on how incentives can be used; and discusses how to plan for, design, monitor, and evaluate investment incentives for responsible investment in agriculture and food systems.

in The Historical Expertise Sous la direction de POPOVIC Milica, MAJSOVA Natalija Publié en 2021-05-06
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Yugoslavia as a state existed twice, once as a monarchy and once as a socialist republic. Different historical legacies, state regimes, cultural and religious heritage are woven into the region – there is a myriad of different political entities and also a plenitude of political and/or national/ethnic identities. The dissolution of the socialist republic, responsible for an advanced modernization of the country and an unprecedented development of the region, ensued during the crisis of the 1980s, and continued all the way into the violent wars of the 1990s. In January 1992, the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia fell apart. The end of the Yugoslav state, however, did not feature the end of the Yugoslav idea or the end of Yugoslav memory. While all are marked by “political abuse of power and the deeply unjust privatization processes”, each of the seven republics of Yugoslavia: Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Serbia, North Macedonia and Kosovo, - reveals a particular memoryscape, abundant in internal battles, which sometimes converge and sometimes diverge, weaving a complex net of (post)Yugoslav memory.

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The dialogue between the social sciences and psychoanalysis was both lively and fertile in France until the 1990s. Because the founders of the Annales school were especially interested in and sensitive to psychology and the study of affect, such efforts were particularly visible among historians. A bit earlier, from 1950, Roger Bastide had prepared the ground for a discussion between sociology and psychoanalysis, although without much success. Among philosophers, we can consider Paul Ricoeur’s work on Freud during the 1960s. The Frankfurt School’s attention to psychology during those same years also undoubtedly sustained Freud’s inputs into the critical understanding of the twentieth century experience. Among political philosophers such as Cornelius Castoriadis, Claude Lefort, and Marcel Gauchet, reference to psychoanalysis was also central. In terms of political analysis, notable works were published in the early 1980s—always with a different perspective—in particular by Eugène Enriquez, Serge Moscovici, and Raphaël Draï.

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Le dialogue entre les sciences sociales et la psychanalyse a été, en France, vif et fécond jusqu’aux années 1990. En raison de l’intérêt porté à la psychologie, aux affects, comme de la sensibilité des fondateurs de l’Ecole des Annales, cet effort fut particulièrement perceptible chez les historiens. Un peu plus tôt, dès 1950, Roger Bastide avait posé les jalons d’une discussion entre la sociologie et la psychanalyse, mais sans succès. Du côté de la philosophie, on citera le travail de Paul Ricoeur sur Freud publié au milieu des années 1960. L’attention portée au cours de ces mêmes années à l’Ecole de Francfort a certainement maintenu vivants les apports de Freud à la compréhension critique de l’expérience du XXe siècle. Chez les philosophes du politique tels que Cornelius Castoriadis, Claude Lefort ou Marcel Gauchet, la référence à la psychanalyse fut également très importante. Du côté de l’analyse politique, il y eut au début des années 1980 des publications marquantes – bien que dans des perspectives chaque fois différentes – notamment d’Eugène Enriquez, de Serge Moscovici ou de Raphaël Draï.

in LIEPP Policy Brief Publié en 2021-05
ENGELI Isabelle
MAZUR Amy
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This policy brief presents the findings of GEPP-France – seven case analyses of gender equality policy implementation -- to identify in a systematic comparative manner the factors, or “ingredients”, for gender equality policy success. Through using the Gender Equality Policy in Practice model and approach in conducting fine grained qualitative case analyses, the 18 policy experts and the comparative analysis of those cases presented in this brief contribute to moving towards an evidence-based recipe for gender equality success for policy practitioners, advocates, decisionmakers, activists and scholars alike. The findings point to the key role of the forms of implementation in determining policy success.

In this article, we combine intersectional and organization theoretical insights and ask how different types of inequality are related within French workplaces. Our motivation is to clarify the meaning of workplaces as “inequality regimes” by asking if workplaces reinforce multiple inequalities or if there are tradeoffs between them. Using French administrative data and novel techniques, we scrutinize correlations between class, gender and nativity wage gaps at the workplace level. We also study how each of these gaps relate to a fourth measure of wage inequality we call intra-categorical inequality (i.e within the three-level cross-categorization class×gender×nativity). We discuss two sets of findings. First gender and nativity wage gaps are negatively correlated within workplaces. Second, while the gender gap is higher in more unequal workplaces, the nativity gap is higher in more equal workplaces. Finally, we also ask how industry, urban environment, and various workplace characteristics affect these patterns. Our findings suggest that workplaces are not just sites of producing multidimensional inequality, but sites which specialize in inequality types.

in Annual Review of Political Science Publié en 2021-05
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Not all politics is local. Not even local politics is necessarily local. The reemergence of local politics is not comparable to the nationalization of politics but is rather an element making multilevel policies more or less interconnected. This global review (not including North America) suggests that the rise of local politics is explained by three set of processes—(a) democratization, including protest, (b) economic globalization, urbanization, and the deepening of territorial inequalities, and (c) decentralization or deconcentration and the rise of local governance and policies. The rise of local politics is not a revival of the past but an element of the politics of scale taking. All over the world, local politics is increasingly about policies, governance, and political choice.

We compare labour market protection varieties and evaluate systematically trajectories of change across 21 high-income countries over three decades. Our measures – Principal Component Analysis and a new multidimensional indicator – deal with the average production worker assumption and allow us to assess countries’ trajectories of change in relation to, and independently from, classic varieties. We find that in 1990 labour market protection varieties retrace mostly Esping-Andersen’s worlds of welfare, and in 2015 the distinction between social democratic and Christian democratic regimes vanishes, while Mediterranean and liberal countries are grouped respectively more tightly. Moreover, despite the persistent difference between Coordinated (CMEs) and Liberal Market Economies (LMEs) in their labour market protection levels, a large majority of CMEs became more similar to LMEs, after their pursuit of liberalization and dualization trajectories. At the opposite, a handful of CMEs experienced an increase in labour market protection following flexicurity, de-dualization and higher protection trajectories. To help conceptualise the space where countries move, worlds of welfare, varieties of capitalism and the ideal typical trajectories developed in the literature are used to interpret labour market liberalization patterns; however, the trajectories we identify do not always conform to classic varieties and appear more varied than previously suggested.

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Depuis plusieurs années, la démocratie en Turquie semble connaître une descente aux enfers scandée en plusieurs étapes : mentionnons la répression du mouvement de Gezi en 2013, le coup d’État manqué de juillet 2016 et la répression féroce qui s’en est suivi, et enfin la réforme constitutionnelle de 2017 porteuse d’une présidentialisation conséquente du régime. Pourtant, au moment même où se généralisent les restrictions des libertés, l’observateur de la Turquie contemporaine est frappé par la fréquence des références insistantes à la démocratie et au peuple par le pouvoir en place. Mais, comment un parti, arrivé puis maintenu au pouvoir par la voie des urnes durant presque 20 ans, qui est parvenu à venir à bout de la tutelle militaire qui avait restreint le jeu politique des décennies durant, et qui avait obtenu l’ouverture de négociations d’adhésion avec l’Union européenne, peut-il à ce point menacer la démocratie ? La notion de populisme constitue-t-elle une clé de lecture pertinente de compréhension des dynamiques de la démocratie dans ce pays ?

in Institut Montaigne Publié en 2021-04-27
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In India, daily cases of infection due to Covid-19 have passed a record number of 350 000, the pandemic killing officially about 2,500 people every day, including young men and women. This humanitarian disaster is partly due to the way the Covid-19 virus has mutated: the new "Indian variant" appears to be both more contagious and more deadly. But this catastrophe is also man-made and reflects trends which had already been pointed out during the first wave, one year ago. On March 31, 2020, I had called the Covid-19 pandemic a "global time bomb". Issues I highlighted then need to be revisited again. The way the government of India dealt with the pandemic reflects three dimensions of India’s dysfunctional governance that were there before: the present crisis, like an acid test, accentuates existing features. It is revealing of the wandering of decision-makers and the grasp of Hindu nationalism over India’s politics and society, it shows that for the country’s rulers power can be pursued at any cost and that no institution can resist them, and finally, it highlights the crisis of federalism.

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