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in Trade, Payments, and Adjustments in Central and Eastern Europe : Proceedings of an EBRD Conference, 26-27 March 1992 Sous la direction de ROLLO J.M.C., FLEMMING John S. Publié en 1992
AGHION Philippe
BURGESS Robin
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The Aid for Trade (AfT) initiative has been hailed as highly successful in raising the profile of trade as a tool for development. Developing countries have increasingly mainstreamed trade in their development strategies, while donors have responded by mobilising additional resources for trade-related programmes and projects (together referred to as operations). The AfT initiative however requires a better assessment of its outcomes and impacts in terms of trade performance, poverty reduction, growth and development (...).

Les pays ACP doivent donc prendre une initiative dans l’intérêt de leur développement. Se tourner vers l’Europe n’a guère de sens actuellement : pourquoi espérer de l’Europe un geste que la Commission s’obstine à ne pas faire ? Reste un forum que les pays ACP devraient explorer, celui de l’Organisation Mondiale du Commerce (OMC). Cette note examine ce que les pays ACP pourraient faire dans le cadre des négociations de Doha en cours.

This paper examines the impact of trade and capital movements on French employment and relative wages. It provides three results. First, trade has a modest impact on total employment. Second, trade has a strong impact on relative wages; the paper provides evidence supporting the saying that liberal trade is associated with better jobs rather than more jobs. Lastly, the paper shows that outward FDI is essentially done by exporting sectors and that inward FDI (which is broadly the same magnitude) occurs in the downsizing industries as well as in the exporting sectors.

Now the Doha Round is in its tenth year, it is still far from clear whether a deal will be concluded this year. Neither is clear what are the reasons of the current deadlock. Deep division also remain on how to conclude a possible Doha deal. Apart from this negotiation stalemate, what do trade experts think about Doha? This policy brief analyses these questions using mainly data from the CUTS forum debate on the Doha Round among trade experts and academics. The results show that also among experts huge divisions remain on these issues.

The European Union’s recent trade policy strategy towards China, which focuses on bilateral market access and involves a strong U S-style confrontational stance, is ineffective and short-sighted. Today there exists no genuine dialogue between China and the EU on crucial commercial issues. This paper calls for foresightedness in the European Union’s policies towards China. It reviews the EU’s strategy and proposes concrete policy options that will allow it to more effectively promote its commercial interests in China, by focusing on topics that will draw support from Chinese interests and bring greater economic benefits for both parties. In trade in goods, the paper proposes a “small bargain”, involving the granting of market economy status to China in antidumping, in exchange for China’s improvement of its WTO tariff schedule implementation. In its “behind-the-border” rules agenda, the proposed EU-China Partnership and Cooperation Agreement could develop a truly “grand bargain” involving a strong reduction of China’s highest barriers on inward FDI in services, better access by China to the EU’s services markets, joint procedures to address China’s Sovereign Wealth Funds’ and EU’s norms and standards. It would also involve an important scaling down of Europe’s requests in issues such as intellectual property rights. More broadly, the EU should review its current trade policy strategy based on bilateral deals and re-focus its trade policy on the WTO. The paper finally argues that EU should also adopt a truly global approach in its trade policy towards China. This means involving not only the United States and Japan, but also successful medium-sized industrial and emerging economies.

This dissertation examines the links between international trade and economic development through the lens of export growth at the extensive margin. By extensive margin growth is meant either trade in previously untraded products, or trade in existing products between new country pairs. The three chapters of this dissertation represent some of the first contributions to the literature in this area with an approach anchored in development policy concerns. They contribute to a clearer understanding of the links between firm heterogeneity, extensive margin growth, and development. In addition, they provide new insights into the importance of domestic regulations and institutions in terms of developing country trade performance. Chapter one shows that similar factors also affect diversification in the geographical dimension. Chapter three takes the opposite approach, showing that product standards in importing countries can affect export diversification overseas. All three chapters use trade models incorporating heterogeneous firms to motivate the empirical work undertaken.

in Policy Implications of Anti-Dumping Measures Sous la direction de THARAKAN P. K. Mathew Publié en 1991
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Ni thèse, ni plaidoyer, ni réquisitoire, ce livre, en écartant les préjugés et en s’appuyant sur des faits, propose une série d’éclairages sur le comportement des Américains et leurs relations avec leurs homologues français. Il souligne, si besoin était, que l’économie américaine est faite de diversités, de contrastes, et que la meilleure recommandation que puisse faire un chef d’entreprise française qui en a l’expérience est de l’aborder sous la bannière du pragmatisme. » (Extrait) Ce livre vous aidera à comprendre les mécanismes d’influence, la réglementation, le comportement des investisseurs, la libéralisation des services, les subventions… ; tirer parti des expériences concrètes de responsables d’entreprises ; vous adapter aux pratiques américaines.

in The World Trading System: Challenges Ahead Sous la direction de SCHOTT Jeffrey J. Publié en 1996
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Drawing attention to the marked similarities between the French stance in the negotiations leading up to the Franco-British treaty of 1860 and its attitude during the GATT Uruguay Round of the early 1990s, the author investigates the roots of French protectionism in domestic issues. He stresses the weakness of the constitutional system in France that has led to a search of stability in other arenas which in turn has inhibited progress towards freer trade. He identifies a new strand in French thinking on trade which takes a more positive view of multilateralism, and focuses on the importance of establishing reasoned and reasonable debate in France on trade issue.

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The European Community (the correct legal term in trade matters, hereafter EC) is still a recent and ongoing process. Fifty years is a short time span for such an endeavour (Annex I lists the 17 Treaties that have formed its legal basis).3 It is strictly an economic process because a straight forward political unification of Europe was out of reach, then, now, and for the decades to come. This ambiguous relation between economics and politics explains why the EC commercial policy often received the status of a foreign policy instrument. This was the case in the EC relation with former colonies (during the 1960s), developing countries (the 1970s), the Central European countries formerly in the Soviet sphere (the 1990s), and neighbours or emerging economies (the 2000s).

As requested by the Committee on the Internal Market and Consumer Protection, this note focuses on Articles 14 and 15 of the proposed Directive on services. These two provisions are crucial: they define the “screening” process and the timetable which will make operational the “country of origin” principle (Article 16) on which the Directive crucially relies. As these two provisions raise economic more than legal questions, this note focuses on the economics of the Directive.

in Trade Policy Issues: Papers Presented at the Seminar on Trade Policy Issues, March 6-10, 1995 Sous la direction de WONG Chorng-Huey, NAHEED KIRMANI Publié en 1997
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in Competition and economic development = Concurrence et développement économique Publié en 1991
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Under the 1994 Uruguay Round Agreement, only 19 WTO Members have made commitments in audiovisual services in their GATS schedule. As illustrated by Table 1, these commitments are generally of limited scope and magnitude [WTO, 1998]. Among the large audiovisual producers, only the United States have taken substantial commitments at the various stages of audiovisual production, distribution, and transmission.2/ Though much more limited, the commitments by Hong Kong, Japan and India (the world largest film producer) have shown the acceptance by large producers with very influential cultures to consider the issue of liberalization in audiovisual services with an open mind. The rest of the WTO members, insecure about the ability of their audiovisual industry to face competition and/or willing to minimize the exposure of their people to foreign influence, have severely limited access to their markets. This broad coalition was led by the EC, the only large audiovisual producer in this camp (...).

in China's Participation in the WTO Sous la direction de GAO Henry, DONALD LEWIS Publié en 2005
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MANY governments think they could not secure the support of domestic producer interests for the trade-liberalizing agreements they negotiate with other countries without provisions in them that permit a degree of flexibility in implementing the core obligations they undertake in the event of unforeseeable or even foreseeable problems. 1 Thus in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) there are “escape clauses” that, as exceptio ns to the rules, allow members to exceed their tariff bindings and impose import restrictions that would otherwise violate GATT articles.2 The result is a constant tension between the rules drawn to permit limited exceptions to general GATT obligations and constant pressures in member countries of the World Trade Organization (WTO) to expand the escape clauses to provide protection to politically powerful constituencies – often without much regard for the limits within the GATT – in the other direction. General GATT obligations include Articles I, II, II and XI. Politics dictate the pressures that predominate, but, to ensure that protectionist pressures do not gain excessively, the different escape clauses in the WTO must be narrowly defined. They are justified in various ways. There is little or no coordination or consistency left, however, between the terms under which they are applicable, given all the changes that have taken place with the rapid integration of the world economy since the GATT came into being in 1948.

in Economie européenne Sous la direction de EUROPÉENNE - DIRECTION GÉNÉRALE DES AFFAIRES ÉCONOMIQUES; FINANCIÈRES Commission, EUROPÉENNE - DIRECTION GÉNÉRALE DES AFFAIRES ÉCONOMIQUES; FINANCIÈRES Commission Publié en 1999
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in China and the WTO: accession, policy reform, and poverty reduction strategies Sous la direction de LI Shantong, WILL MARTIN Publié en 2004
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China and the WTO analyzes the nature of the reforms involved in Chinas accession to the WTO, assesses their implications for the world economy, and examines the implications for individual households, particularly the poor. Its key objective is to provide the information that will allow policy makers to implement WTO commitments and formulate supporting policies to contribute strongly to economic development and poverty reduction.

La thèse s'articule autour de deux idées maitresses : les institutions sont des facteurs fondamentaux conditionnant le succès de la politique économique pendant toutes les phases de la libéralisation commerciale ; la politique monétaire peut être considérée comme un des facteurs-clés de ce point de vue. Il est possible de déterminer une politique monétaire optimale pour atteindre la libéralisation commerciale. Mais comme la politique monétaire doit prendre en considération d'autres objectifs, considérés en général comme plus importants, la politique monétaire est rarement optimale du point de vue du commerce. En même temps la politique monétaire ne prenant pas du tout en considérations les conséquences commerciales – donc par exemple une politique monétaire ne se focalisant que sur le niveau général des prix –n'est pas soutenable, soit à cause des conséquences macroéconomiques, soit à cause de déséquilibres politiques. Le chapitre 1 décrit le développement de l'institutionnalisme qui met au centre de l'analyse économique le rôle des institutions et des organisations. Il présente l'économie institutionnelle comme une nouvelle approche des sciences économiques, complétant la théorie néoclassique. Le chapitre 2 esquisse l'importance de la politique monétaire en tant qu'institution du point de vue de la libéralisation commerciale, démontre les caractéristiques de la politique monétaire optimale et explique pourquoi une telle politique est difficilement à mener. Le chapitre 3 présente la relation entre politique de change et commerce, les contraintes provenant des relations commerciales en mettant l'accent sur les risques de la politique de surévaluation. Le chapitre 4 esquisse le fonctionnement des politiques de manipulation du taux de change. Le chapitre 5 présente le modèle de déficit-inflation. Enfin, le chapitre 6 présente les expériences de la Hongrie soulignant que la politique monétaire ne s'occupant que de la désinflation ne peut que faire faillite, et que la théorie de l'indépendance de la banque centrale présente des risques pour les pays en transition.

in Economic Development and Multilateral Trade Cooperation Sous la direction de EVENETT Simon J., HOEKMAN Bernard M. Publié en 2006
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The chapter analyzes the evolution since 1989 of trade among the central European countries and examines several policy options for strengthening these links.

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The author looks at the OECD domestic political economy associated with ongoing WTO farm negotiations, focusing on the OECD-based coalitions which could be helpful for WTO negotiators. Support from individual final consumers and taxpayers is far from guaranteed because consumers are spending less and less on food, and because taxpayers support, more or less willingly, non-trade concerns, such as environment or food safety, that they tend (wrongly) to associate with domestic farmers. As a result, trade negotiators should look at other allies. A natural candidate is a powerful group of consumers-the agribusiness industries-for which a reduction of the still high protection of their products under the Doha Round requires a corresponding reduction of protection in their farm inputs. They should also talk to farmers, hence sharpen their arguments, in particular by focusing on the distinction between small and large farmers, the latter being by far the main beneficiaries of the current OECD farm protectionist policies.

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Drawing attention to the marked similarities between the French stance in the negotiations leading up to the Franco-British treaty of 1860 and its attitude during the GATT Uruguay Round of the early 1990s, the author investigates the roots of French protectionism in domestic issues. He stresses the weakness of the constitutional system in France that has led to a search for stability in other arenas which in turn has inhibited progress towards freer trade. He identifies a new strand in French thinking on trade which takes a more positive view of multilateralism, and focuses on the importance of establishing a reasoned and reasonable debate in France on trade issues.

This paper forms part of an OECD project which addressed the issue of the structure and change in the distribution systems of seven OECD countries. This paper gives an overview of the structure, policy and performance of the French distribution system for the period 1970-90. This analysis is then put into the perspective of international competition. It also draws some recommendations for future policy in this area.

in The World Trade Organization Millennium Round : freer trade in the twenty-first century Sous la direction de DEUTSCH Klaus Günter, SPEYER Bernhard Publié en 2001
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in Effective Crisis Response and Openness: Implications for the Trading System Sous la direction de EVENETT Simon J., CATTANEO Olivier, HOEKMAN Bernard M. Publié en 2009
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In its latest Report on the “financial and economic crisis and trade-related developments” (26 March 2009), the WTO used the term “significant slippage” to qualify changes in protection observed from late 2008 to March 2009. Most of the newspapers in the world translated these terms into “rise of protectionism.” This note argues that evoking a rise in protectionism in April 2009 was premature. Disputing this statement may seem futile. It is not. Such a misrepresentation of the situation offers protectionist interests a considerable tactical advantage in the coming months. First, it will make more difficult for a government to convince its country to liberalize when everybody else is allegedly busy to raise protection. Second, as nothing bad will flow from such a “rise of protection”—for the excellent reason that few additional protectionist measures have been taken so far—protectionist lobbies are in the ideal situation to claim that “raising protection” does not have the dire consequences that economists predict. Then, they will quickly add that more protection could thus be—and should be—granted more lavishly. Public opinion could only agree.

in The New World Trading System : Readings. Papers presented at the OECD Informal Workshop on the "New World Trading System" held in Paris on 25- 26 April 1994 Sous la direction de RABY Geoff Publié en 1994
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