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in Repenser les stratégies nucléaires. Continuités et ruptures Sous la direction de MESZAROS Thomas Publié en 2019-06
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Le 25 novembre 2016, Fidel Castro décède. Il était le dernier chef d’État vivant ayant participé à la crise nucléaire de 1962, largement considérée comme le moment où l’humanité a été la plus proche de la guerre nucléaire. Avec lui, nous avons perdu un lien direct avec l’expérience de la peur intense d’une guerre nucléaire imminente ainsi que l’enseignement du rôle crucial de la chance dans la préservation du monde contre la dévastation nucléaire. Désormais, notre interprétation du danger de la crise la plus dangereuse de l’histoire de l’ère nucléaire est radicalement détachée de l’expérience directe au plus haut niveau de décision...

Publié en 2014-04
LEWIS Patricia
WILLIAMS Heather
PELOPIDAS Benoît
AGHLANI Sasan
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Nuclear weapons have not been detonated in violent conflict since 1945. The decades since then are commonly perceived – particularly in those countries that possess nuclear weapons – as an era of successful nuclear non-use and a vindication of the framework of nuclear deterrence. In this narrative, the fear of massive retaliation and a shared understanding and set of behaviours are believed to have prevented the use of nuclear weapons. Yet the decades since 1945 have been punctuated by a series of disturbing close calls. Evidence from many declassified documents, testimonies and interviews suggests that the world has, indeed, been lucky, given the number of instances in which nuclear weapons were nearly used inadvertently as a result of miscalculation or error...

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Though national and regional conflicts and international terrorism remain rife, since 1945 the world has not been subjected to truly pan-regional or trans-continental war. Over the following pages four experts in international security debate the role nuclear arsenals may have played in curbing large-scale conflict.

in Site du CERI Publié en 2017-03-23
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Avec l’arrivée au pouvoir de Donald Trump et les tensions entre la Russie et l’OTAN, les armes nucléaires sont à nouveau un sujet de préoccupation, et pas seulement celles dont dispose Pyongyang ou celles dont les experts nous disent depuis dix ans que l’Iran va se doter à très court terme. Les dirigeants des Etats nucléaires vont devoir faire des choix cruciaux dans les cinq prochaines années alors que les Etats dotés ont ou vont lancer des programmes dits de « modernisation », qui engagent leurs communautés politiques pour au moins trente ans et qu’un traité visant à interdire les armes nucléaires va être négocié à New York. La recherche a un rôle essentiel à jouer dans ce cadre. Un débat public éclairé exige qu’une recherche indépendante éclaire les termes des paris présentés.

in San Francisco Chronicle Publié en 2011-12-11
PELOPIDAS Benoît
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The supercommittee's failure to reach an agreement on debt reduction will probably result in unexpected reductions of the U.S. nuclear arsenal. That possibility concerns the defense establishment, but it also presents an opportunity: It might finally be possible to have an honest debate about the role of nuclear weapons in U.S. strategy and the prospect for further arms reductions...

in British Foreign Policy and the National Interest. Identity, Strategy and Security Publié en 2014
PELOPIDAS Benoît
WELDES Jutta
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This paper examines UK national (security and nuclear) interests in relation to Trident and the recent putative shift in conceptions of UK national interests from a discourse of ‘security’ to one of ‘resilience’. We discuss the rise of resilience in the discourse of UK national interests and reflect upon its possible articulations with the concept and goal of security, in order to make sense of what a shift from security to resilience would entail. We then assess the practices of UK nuclear weapons policy, and Trident in particular, in relation to the requirements with which a resilient nuclear weapons policy would need to comply. We conclude that the perceived requirements of deterrence as a communicative practice in large part explain missed opportunities to acknowledge the risk of a nuclear accident and the possibility of a consistent shift towards resilience as a national priority.

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This innovative study presents an in-depth political and sociological analysis of the internal power politics and imperial forms developed by the Russian neo-eurasianists and the neo-conservatives in the United States. It traces the growth of nationalism and the concept of 'Empire' in relation to the ideologies and foreign policy of both Russia and the USA. Beginning with a genealogy of the two movements, the authors present the intricacy of imperial rhetoric and nationalist ideologies in modern states compared with the distinctive definition of Empire as a politico-historical form. The extent to which these ideas have shaped the foreign policy of Russia and the USA is then related to events in Central Asia, Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia and Turkey. The analysis of each case provides a better understanding of the imperial character of these foreign policies in relation to their nationalist foundations. The combination of political theory and geopolitics makes this cutting-edge research a must read to all interested in the evolving discourse surrounding Empire.

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This essay reflects on Stanley Hoffmann’s contributions as a scholar and public intellectual. We focus on Stanley Hoffmann’s scholarly, intellectual and ethical legacy by highlighting two sets of contributions, where his work challenged much international relations scholarship in the second half of the 20th century. First, we identify the ways in which his research speaks to important policy concerns, whilst maintaining a certain detachment from the corridors of power. This is a distinctive approach to policy relevance that allowed Hoffmann to contribute to public debate and raise important challenges to prevailing policies at crucial moments. Second, we stress the importance of Hoffmann’s arguments for a humanistic approach to the social sciences and international relations, a plea that remains relevant in an age of heightened scientific ambitions.

in International Security Publié en 2019-03-14
SNYDER Ryan
LIEBER Keir A
PRESS Daryl G
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Ryan Snyder and Benoît Pelopidas respond to Keir A. Lieber and Daryl G. Press's spring 2017 article, “The New Era of Counterforce: Technological Change and the Future of Nuclear Deterrence.”

in Revue internationale et stratégique Publié en 2010
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Plan de l'article : - Résignation et soupçon : deux attitudes épargnant les politiques de non-prolifération - Pour une approche politique et stratégique des choix nucléaires militaires

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