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C’est désormais un poncif : l’extrême droite serait une quasi-résultante des problèmes de l’urbanisme, le fruit des classes populaires et moyennes confrontées aux difficultés de l’habitat dégradé en secteur cosmopolite. Cette étude de Caterina Froio, Pietro Castelli Gattinara et Tommaso Vitale analyse en profondeur l’action et l’implantation de CasaPound, mouvement italien considéré comme une référence et un modèle par les radicaux de droite en Europe, dans les quartiers populaires. Elle démontre empiriquement comment des actions fabriquées pour les médias occultent une réalité plus en demi-teintes.


In 2003, the occupation of a state-owned building in Rome led to the emergence of a new extreme-right youth movement: CasaPound Italia (CPI). Its members described themselves as 'Fascists of the Third Millennium', and were unabashed about their admiration for Benito Mussolini. Over the next 15 years, they would take to the street, contest national elections, open over a hundred centres across Italy, and capture the attention of the Italian public. While CPI can count only on a few thousands votes, it enjoys disproportionate attention in public debates from the media. So what exactly is CasaPound? How can we explain the high profile achieved by such a nostalgic group with no electoral support? In this book, Caterina Froio, Pietro Castelli Gattinara, Giorgia Bulli and Matteo Albanese explore CasaPound Italia and its particular political strategy combining the organization and style of both political parties and social movements and bringing together extreme-right ideas and pop-culture symbols. They contend that this strategy of hybridization allowed a fringe organization like CasaPound to consolidate its position within the Italian far-right milieu, but also, crucially, to make extreme-right ideas routine in public debates. The authors illustrate this argument drawing on unique empirical material gathered during five years of research, including several months of overt observation at concerts and events, face-to-face interviews, and the qualitative and quantitative analysis of online and offline campaigns. By describing how hybridization grants extremist groups the leeway to expand their reach and penetrate mainstream political debates, this book is core reading for anyone concerned about the nature and growth of far-right politics in contemporary democracies. Providing a fresh insight as to how contemporary extreme-right groups organize to capture public attention, this study will also be of interest to students, scholars and activists interested in the complex relationship between party competition and street protest more generally.

in European Journal of Political Research Publié en 2019-12

Introduction The year 2018 shattered Italian politics. During the campaign for national elections in February, the police arrested right‐wing extremist Luca Traini after injuring six migrants in the city of Macerata in central Italy. A few weeks later, in March, the general elections marked the success of Luigi di Maio's Five Star Movement (M5s) and Matteo Salvini's League (Lega) and relegated the parties that dominated the previous phase –the Democratic Party (PD) and Go Italy (FI) – and their leaders – Matteo Renzi and Silvio Berlusconi – to the margins of Italy's party system. Since no political coalition or party won an outright majority in the elections, the elections resulted in a hung Parliament. After three months of negotiations, the Lega and M5S eventually managed to strike a deal that set up the first Giuseppe Conte government. While the issue of migration shaped public debates and policy‐making, putting Italy's bilateral relations with France under strain, the Italian government's difficulty to pass the 2019 budget plan triggered tensions with the European Commission and instability on the financial markets.

Pur non condividendo quello che fa, come lo fa e gli obiettivi che ha, molti accettano passivamente l’idea che l’estrema destra dia voce al disagio delle periferie italiane. Intorno a questa interpretazione si coagulano molti dei discorsi su CasaPound, anche nella sinistra più critica e radicale. Abbandonate da partiti e istituzioni, le periferie sarebbero intrinsecamente razziste e rancorose e offrirebbero alle destre neofasciste opportunità di reclutamento, rappresentanza e azione collettiva. Ma è proprio così? Davvero CasaPound dà voce al disagio delle periferie? I fatti di Casal Bruciato, a Roma, ci offrono lo spunto per rispondere con una certa precisione a questo quesito.

Comment des formations d’extrême droite à faible ancrage social parviennent-elles à exister dans les médias ? En étudiant le cas du Bloc identitaire, nous proposons quatre logiques complémentaires : la propriété des enjeux politisés, le choix de répertoire d’action, la création de controverses publiques et l’existence de contre-mobilisations. La recherche combine l’analyse quantitative et qualitative des revendications politiques du Bloc, et un entretien en profondeur. Les résultats montrent que sa visibilité augmente lorsque ses actions portent sur la sécurité et l’immigration et suscitent des contre-mobilisations. Deux stratégies sont fondamentales dans l’interaction avec les journalistes : la personnalisation de la communication des événements protestataires et leur spectacularisation.

in European Journal of Political Research Publié en 2017-12

The year 2016 marked the end of Matteo Renzi's government, whose agenda of policy and constitutional reforms faced increasing opposition both in parliament and his own party. Italian politics were characterised by two national referendums, elections in major local administrations, and the recognition of same‐sex unions by the parliament. Political debate was dominated by disputes over the electoral and constitutional reform, the crisis of the Italian banking system, immigration and measures to support citizens affected by earthquakes.[First paragraph]

This chapter focuses on the link between immigration and security from the point of view of public opinion and party politicization. First, we critically review and systematize the growing research investigating the immigration-security nexus in public opinion and party politics studies, providing the conceptual and analytical tools for understanding the political dynamics that led to the securitization of immigration in European polities. Second, the chapter builds upon available multinational survey data to question when and how the idea of immigration as a security concern first emerged, and when it came to dominate public opinion across countries. Third, the chapter uses party manifesto data to explore the way political parties in Western Europe address immigration affairs, focusing salience, positions and the relative importance of security aspects. In so doing, this chapter not only offers an innovative exploration of the discursive construction of immigration by political parties, but it also provides a quantitative assessment of securitization theories, offering an empirical overview of the parallel development of the security framework in public opinion and in party competition.

Most discussions on far right politics ascribe much power to the media, suggesting that news coverage can facilitate the success of these actors by providing legitimacy and visibility to their leaders and issues. In so doing, this scholarship reproduces the idea that far right actors are «hapless victims» of external circumstances, failing to see that they can at times be the shapers of their own fate, determining their own visibility and success with their media strategies. To address this issue, this article looks at the interplay between internal supply-side factors and media coverage of Casa- Pound Italia (CPI), a non-established actor of the Italian far right. We use Political claims analysis (PCA) to analyse press releases and media reports of CPI's activism. We conduct logistic regressions to look at whether issue characteristics (saliency and ownership), repertoires of action (conventional vs protest) and controversy (counter-mobilization) increase the likelihood that the activities of CasaPound Italia get coverage in the news. Our results indicate that media strategies by the far right increase the likelihood of news coverage, so that quality newspapers give attention to specific types of events promoted by CPI, such as when they mobilize on immigration, engage in street protest and create public controversy.

Social movements scholarship has increasingly turned to the study of direct social actions (DSAs) in times of economic hardship. This paper broadens this perspective to extreme right organisations. Combining a Political Claims Analysis of newspaper articles and online press releases, with a qualitative discussion of online propaganda material, we explore the engagement in direct social activism by three neo-fascist organisations in Italy: Forza Nuova, Fiamma Tricolore and CasaPound Italia (1996 -2015). Our findings suggest that their propensi-ty to direct social activism, rather than being exclusively related to economic distress, responds to a broad set of ideological, organisational and strategic incentives. Ideologically, DSAs are linked to the interpretation of the re-lationship between ideas and action of historical Fascism and of parts of the Italian neo-fascist tradition. Organi-sationally, DSAs serve as a tool to build support and solidarity, especially at the local level. Strategically, they are used to frame activism as a direct intervention in defence of interests of native peoples, and against political elites accused of being unresponsive to the needs of citizens. Our results offer a first empirical observation of the use of DSAs by extreme right actors, paving the way for comparative work at the cross-national level and on dif-ferent arenas of engagement

An investigation of the neo-Fascist organization CasaPound Italia, focusing on how political violence is framed in its public discourse, and on the role it plays as a constitutive element of the group’s collective identity. Starting from the conceptualization of violence in Italian Fascism, we focus on CasaPound’s practices, discourse, and ideology. The analysis combines findings from nineteen in-depth interviews with CasaPound members and participant observation at protest events and activities. This paper disentangles CasaPound’s relationship with political violence, differentiating its discursive, aesthetic, and identity-building dimensions. Although in the external discourse of the group, violent activities are only accepted as a tool of self-determination and self-defence, we find that a cult of violence inspired by traditional Fascism emerges from the semiotic repertoire mobilized by CasaPound, and is reiterated by means of experiences of collective socialization based on violence.