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  • FROIO Caterina (16)
  • ALBANESE Matteo (3)
  • VITALE Tommaso (2)
  • BULLI Giorgia (2)
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This article examines public contestation of Europe by the far right in France. It investigates whether far-right mobilization on the EU has changed over time, and how it diverges in the party and non-party sectors. Specifically, we follow a politicization approach and address mobilization in terms of three interrelated dimensions: intensity, issue focus, and action repertoire. This allows comparing collective action in the electoral and protest arenas, thus assessing how the far right politicizes Europe in public debates. The study relies on a mixed quantitative and qualitative analysis of the content of the press releases posted by far-right parties and movements on their official websites, scraped automatically from 2012 to 2019. The results show that European integration is increasingly at the core of far-right politics in France, but its politicization unfolds in different ways in the protest and electoral arenas. As political conflict over the EU expands, far-right parties and non-party actors are challenged to differentiate their respective profiles. These findings complement existing research on the linkages between protest and elections, and suggest that the rooting of the far right in society is reconfiguring the structure of political conflict in Europe.

in Crisis and Politicisation Sous la direction de VOLTOLINI Benedetta, NATORSKI Michal, HAY Colin Publié en 2021-05
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C’est désormais un poncif : l’extrême droite serait une quasi-résultante des problèmes de l’urbanisme, le fruit des classes populaires et moyennes confrontées aux difficultés de l’habitat dégradé en secteur cosmopolite. Cette étude de Caterina Froio, Pietro Castelli Gattinara et Tommaso Vitale analyse en profondeur l’action et l’implantation de CasaPound, mouvement italien considéré comme une référence et un modèle par les radicaux de droite en Europe, dans les quartiers populaires. Elle démontre empiriquement comment des actions fabriquées pour les médias occultent une réalité plus en demi-teintes.

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In 2003, the occupation of a state-owned building in Rome led to the emergence of a new extreme-right youth movement: CasaPound Italia (CPI). Its members described themselves as 'Fascists of the Third Millennium', and were unabashed about their admiration for Benito Mussolini. Over the next 15 years, they would take to the street, contest national elections, open over a hundred centres across Italy, and capture the attention of the Italian public. While CPI can count only on a few thousands votes, it enjoys disproportionate attention in public debates from the media. So what exactly is CasaPound? How can we explain the high profile achieved by such a nostalgic group with no electoral support? In this book, Caterina Froio, Pietro Castelli Gattinara, Giorgia Bulli and Matteo Albanese explore CasaPound Italia and its particular political strategy combining the organization and style of both political parties and social movements and bringing together extreme-right ideas and pop-culture symbols. They contend that this strategy of hybridization allowed a fringe organization like CasaPound to consolidate its position within the Italian far-right milieu, but also, crucially, to make extreme-right ideas routine in public debates. The authors illustrate this argument drawing on unique empirical material gathered during five years of research, including several months of overt observation at concerts and events, face-to-face interviews, and the qualitative and quantitative analysis of online and offline campaigns. By describing how hybridization grants extremist groups the leeway to expand their reach and penetrate mainstream political debates, this book is core reading for anyone concerned about the nature and growth of far-right politics in contemporary democracies. Providing a fresh insight as to how contemporary extreme-right groups organize to capture public attention, this study will also be of interest to students, scholars and activists interested in the complex relationship between party competition and street protest more generally.

in European Journal of Political Research Publié en 2019-12
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Introduction The year 2018 shattered Italian politics. During the campaign for national elections in February, the police arrested right‐wing extremist Luca Traini after injuring six migrants in the city of Macerata in central Italy. A few weeks later, in March, the general elections marked the success of Luigi di Maio's Five Star Movement (M5s) and Matteo Salvini's League (Lega) and relegated the parties that dominated the previous phase –the Democratic Party (PD) and Go Italy (FI) – and their leaders – Matteo Renzi and Silvio Berlusconi – to the margins of Italy's party system. Since no political coalition or party won an outright majority in the elections, the elections resulted in a hung Parliament. After three months of negotiations, the Lega and M5S eventually managed to strike a deal that set up the first Giuseppe Conte government. While the issue of migration shaped public debates and policy‐making, putting Italy's bilateral relations with France under strain, the Italian government's difficulty to pass the 2019 budget plan triggered tensions with the European Commission and instability on the financial markets.

Pur non condividendo quello che fa, come lo fa e gli obiettivi che ha, molti accettano passivamente l’idea che l’estrema destra dia voce al disagio delle periferie italiane. Intorno a questa interpretazione si coagulano molti dei discorsi su CasaPound, anche nella sinistra più critica e radicale. Abbandonate da partiti e istituzioni, le periferie sarebbero intrinsecamente razziste e rancorose e offrirebbero alle destre neofasciste opportunità di reclutamento, rappresentanza e azione collettiva. Ma è proprio così? Davvero CasaPound dà voce al disagio delle periferie? I fatti di Casal Bruciato, a Roma, ci offrono lo spunto per rispondere con una certa precisione a questo quesito.

How do non-established far-right actors reach visibility in the media? While much research focuses on media visibility of progressive movements and established parties, little is known about the coverage of grassroots far-right mobilization. Inspired by insights from media studies, social movement literature, and scholarship on the far right, the paper suggests that media coverage is a function of the protest strategies of non-established far-right actors. To this end, We use a new dataset measuring political claims made on the websites of CasaPound Italia (CPI) and the Bloc Identitaire (BI), and from newspaper reports in France and Italy. We use logistic regressions to quantify increasing media coverage based on specific characteristics of mobilization (issue ownership, dramatization, confrontation and counter-mobilization). Focusing on two countries with comparable political contexts but major differences in other factors relevant to far-right mobilization (number of migrants, asylum seekers, perceived most important problem, and proximity to elections), we illustrate that news coverage is more likely when CPI and BI mobilize on immigration, engage in street protest, and create public controversy. While broader comparative evidence is needed, the paper offers a novel meso-level perspective on the interplay between far-right mobilization and media attention, and it sets out an innovative method to combine online and offline data for the study of protest in far-right politics.

Comment des formations d’extrême droite à faible ancrage social parviennent-elles à exister dans les médias ? En étudiant le cas du Bloc identitaire, nous proposons quatre logiques complémentaires : la propriété des enjeux politisés, le choix de répertoire d’action, la création de controverses publiques et l’existence de contre-mobilisations. La recherche combine l’analyse quantitative et qualitative des revendications politiques du Bloc, et un entretien en profondeur. Les résultats montrent que sa visibilité augmente lorsque ses actions portent sur la sécurité et l’immigration et suscitent des contre-mobilisations. Deux stratégies sont fondamentales dans l’interaction avec les journalistes : la personnalisation de la communication des événements protestataires et leur spectacularisation.

in European Journal of Political Research Publié en 2017-12
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The year 2016 marked the end of Matteo Renzi's government, whose agenda of policy and constitutional reforms faced increasing opposition both in parliament and his own party. Italian politics were characterised by two national referendums, elections in major local administrations, and the recognition of same‐sex unions by the parliament. Political debate was dominated by disputes over the electoral and constitutional reform, the crisis of the Italian banking system, immigration and measures to support citizens affected by earthquakes.[First paragraph]

This chapter focuses on the link between immigration and security from the point of view of public opinion and party politicization. First, we critically review and systematize the growing research investigating the immigration-security nexus in public opinion and party politics studies, providing the conceptual and analytical tools for understanding the political dynamics that led to the securitization of immigration in European polities. Second, the chapter builds upon available multinational survey data to question when and how the idea of immigration as a security concern first emerged, and when it came to dominate public opinion across countries. Third, the chapter uses party manifesto data to explore the way political parties in Western Europe address immigration affairs, focusing salience, positions and the relative importance of security aspects. In so doing, this chapter not only offers an innovative exploration of the discursive construction of immigration by political parties, but it also provides a quantitative assessment of securitization theories, offering an empirical overview of the parallel development of the security framework in public opinion and in party competition.

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