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in Cogito Research Magazine Publié en 2021-05-17
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1st lines/ The democratisation of central and eastern Europe was initially celebrated as a historical success story. A European subcontinent moved from communist authoritarian regimes to reasonably functioning democracies based on competitive political systems with the rotation of power. However, by the second decade of the 21st century, the grapes of democracy started to sour. A number of countries, most notably Hungary and Poland, elected leaders and parties who explicitly aim to circumscribe pluralism, undermine independent media, and limit judicial oversight, establishing what the Hungarian Prime Minister, Victor Orbán, calls “illiberal democracy.”

in COGITO, le magazine de la recherche Publié en 2021-04-20
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1èrs lignes : La démocratisation de l’Europe centrale et orientale a d’abord été saluée comme une réussite historique. Une large moitié du continent européen est passé de régimes communistes autoritaires à des démocraties fonctionnant tant bien que mal sur la base de systèmes politiques compétitifs permettant des alternances au pouvoir. Cependant, ces dix dernières années, les raisins de la démocratie ont commencé à tourner au vinaigre. Un certain nombre de pays, notamment la Hongrie et la Pologne, ont élu des dirigeants et des partis qui cherchent explicitement à circonscrire le pluralisme, à affaiblir les médias indépendants et à limiter les prérogatives du pouvoir judiciaire, en établissant ce que le Premier ministre hongrois Victor Orbán a appelé la « démocratie illibérale ».

in The Palgrave Handbook of EU Crises Sous la direction de RIDDERVOLD Marianne, TRONDAL Jarle, NEWSOME Akasemi Publié en 2021-01
MARKS Gary
ATTEWELL David
HOOGHE Liesbet
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This publication has no abstract

in The EU through Multiple Crises Sous la direction de ISERNIA Pierangelo, COTTA Maurizio Publié en 2020-09
MARKS Gary
ATTEWELL David
HOOGHE Liesbet
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The rise of a new transnational divide on immigration and Europe raises fundamental questions about the character of party competition and the causal bases of voting. Using ESS data and panel data for the Netherlands, we find that those who vote for political parties established on the new cleavage – green and radical TAN parties – have more structured partisan preferences than supporters of mainstream political parties.

in Respekt Publié en 2020-08-23
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Současná politika vyspělého světa se štěpí na dva póly podle otázky, do jaké míry chcete vidět otevřený evropský a mezinárodní trh, do jaké míry jste schopni akceptovat mezinárodní migraci, do jaké míry jste schopni přijmout otevřenou společnost,“ říká politolog Jan Rovný, který působí na prestižní francouzské univerzitě Sciences Po. Dva opačné póly tohoto sporu u nás podle něj reprezentují Piráti a hnutí SPD. Ke stejnému dělení dochází podle Rovného nyní všude v Evropě.

Во всем мире государства постепенно снимают карантинные ограничения, а жизнь возвращается в нормальное русло. Пандемию сравнивают с крупнейшими кризисами современности. Но изменил ли коронавирус фундамент политических систем Европы? Ян Ровни, профессор Института политических исследований Парижа, считает, что, скорее, нет. В интервью мы обсудили, как период изоляции и кризис здравоохранения повлиял на партии и правительства в Европе, был ли он на руку авторитарным государствам и почему принимаемые меры сложно назвать однозначно технократическими или политическими Какое влияние, на ваш взгляд, оказал коронавирус на политическую систему и партии в Европе?

in LSE - The London School of Economics and Political Science - EUROPP Publié en 2020-06-01
BAKKER Ryan
HOOGHE Liesbet
JOLLY Seth
MARKS Gary
POLK Jonathan
STEENBERGEN Marco
ANNA VACHUDOVA Milada
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1st lines: A new round of data from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey, covering 2019, is due to be released. The survey, which estimates the positions of political parties on a variety of ideological and policy issues, offers an invaluable tool for assessing political competition in Europe. Ryan Bakker, Liesbet Hooghe, Seth Jolly, Gary Marks, Jonathan Polk, Jan Rovny, Marco Steenbergen, and Milada Anna Vachudova draw on the latest data to examine where European political parties now stand on European integration, and how their positions have changed since the last full survey was conducted in 2014.

Czechoslovakia, a newborn state in 1918, immediately faced interethnic conflict, threatening its survival. In other multinational places of interwar Central Europe, democracy rapidly collapsed, and most ethnic minorities became entrenched into a systemic opposition to the dominant nationality of their state. How could the Czechoslovak leaders of all nationalities overcome this state of tension and mistrust? How would leaders shape their preferences and strategies be shaped? Would cooperation prove to be a better option than systematic rejection of a common polity? To what extent did the imperial experience of interethnic cooperation survive the war and remain a useful frame for at least some part of the political leadership? This paper studies how and why interethnic cooperation was successful. It pursues two directions. First, it considers how biographies and individual trajectories of leaders inform us about the strategies adopted vis-à-vis the minority issue. Then, it assesses how documents from the relevant ministries controlled by German-speaking ministers help decipher public policy choices and reassess the importance of the "national question" in the everyday routine of these institutions.

Publié en 2020-01 Collection Sciences Po LIEPP Working Paper : 101
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While ethnic minorities may ultimately strive for creating their own state, or joining an ethnic kin state, these options are rarely realistically feasible. In such conditions, I argue, that dominant ethnic minority representatives strive to collaborate with the ethnic majority, and pursue liberal political goals, such as the protection of minority rights and civil liberties, that would ensure the survival and wellbeing of all ethnic groups. This contrasts with much of the literature which sees ethnicity as a source of particularistic, rather than liberal, politics. However, I suggest that when the plausibility of secession or irredentism increases, ethnic representatives abandon their liberal collaborative aims, and rather seek to end their minority status through exit. I study these mechanisms on the case of the German minority in interwar Czechoslovakia. Using historical analysis and quantitative content analysis of parliamentary speeches between 1920 and 1938, I demonstrate that the political actions of ethnic minority representatives are circumstantial.

in Euro Crisis in the Press. The politics of public discourse in Europe Publié en 2019-11
KOSTELKA Filip
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Who participates in protests? Much literature assumes that economic left-leaning individuals are expected to protest more than right-leaning ones. However, Filip Kostelka and Jan Rovny question this assumption and suggests that there is no natural affinity between left-wing or right-wing economic outlooks and protest behaviour. They argue that it is the cultural dimension that matters for protesting.

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