Co-auteur
  • GIAMETTA Calogero (5)
  • MORI Chikako (4)
  • CHUANG Ya-Han (3)
  • LIEBER Marylène (2)
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Type de Document
  • Article (18)
  • Partie ou chapitre de livre (6)
  • Contribution à un site web (5)
  • Numéro de périodique (4)
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L’association Les Roses d’Acier, créée en 2014 par des travailleuses du sexe chinoises du quartier de Belleville dans le 11e arrondissement de Paris, a pour mission première de lutter contre les violences multiples qu’elles subissent. Les interventions de l’association au niveau national, local et communautaire visent à créer du lien, d’une part avec le reste de la société (voisins, représentants politiques), d’autre part entre elles, afin de les sortir de l’isolement créé par leur activité, cible de toutes les stigmatisations. L’étude de leur prise de parole dans un recueil écrit par les travailleuses et travailleurs du sexe permet de suivre l’élargissement des actions de l’association.

Since 2010, Chinese residents and Chinese French citizens have denounced unequal treatment in French society, especially focusing on the lack of preventative measures taken against racially targeted violent robberies. In 2016, a major demonstration brought together around 30,000 people, marking a turning point in the activists’ cause. The second generation took a clearly more active role in this protest and (re)framed the demonstrators’ claims to emphasize the structural racism that lies behind the violence aimed at their communities. Since then, the descendants of Asian migrants have developed initiatives to fight against stereotypes and related acts of violence. Based on qualitative research into different forms of collective action, this article highlights how some have engaged in online campaigns to highlight the stereotypes and everyday racism associated with Asian populations, and others have engaged with the legal process to see that petty crimes are recognized as acts of racism.

in Journal of Chinese Overseas Sous la direction de CHUANG Ya-Han, LE BAIL Hélène, MERLE Aurore Publié en 2020-11-18
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This “generational turn” constitutes the point of departure for this special issue. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork and in-depth interviews, the five articles analyze various forms of discrimination experienced by the new Chinese migrants—first and second generation included—and their strategies of resistance. They offer different perspectives on the political socialization and mobilization of the Chinese and their descendants in France: while Juan Du, Ya-Han Chuang and Aurore Merle analyze the mobilization processes and patterns of first-generation Chinese immigrants in the “banlieues rouges” (red/ communist suburbs) of Paris where many Chinese migrants live and work today and face cohabitation and safety difficulties in relation to other population groups, Hélène Le Bail and Ya-Han Chuang show how Chinese and Asian descendants (second or 1.5-generation immigrants) use social networks to share their feelings about their belonging and discuss the discrimination they suffer, with the online gatherings leading to anti-racist legal actions. These five articles provide insight into how various collectives of Chinese-French activists, from different generations and diverse social backgrounds—residents, small-scale entrepreneurs, marginalized inhabitants, and students, as well as the media and cultural elite—and with different resources and repertoires of actions, challenge central institutions in France’s democratic life: the city hall and its mayor, the police, the courts and the media. Through their actions, not only do these concerned and mobilized citizens become more familiar with French civic life but they also contribute to transforming and enriching it, by calling out racism and discrimination and advocating new patterns of inclusion and citizenship. Yong Li’s contribution highlights the individual processes that Chinese graduates go through to identify and call out the racial discrimination and sometimes outright racism that they experience in the workplace and the responses they develop in relation to their bosses and colleagues. This growing consciousness facilitates collective mobilization against anti-Chinese racism, as analyzed by Le Bail and Chuang, and has led to alliances with other anti-racist organizations and actors. Zhipeng Li’s article, which takes a detailed look at two overseas-Chinese ethnic media organizations in France, shows how these media provide Chinese xin yimin with a platform to express themselves and share common feelings of belonging/non-belonging in France and China, thus contributing to the organization of community life. As Du and Chuang and Merle illustrate in their articles, Chinese ethnic or community-based mobilizations are not an expression of communitarianism or of separatism from the national (French) community; on the contrary, they collectively voice a wish to be an integral part of the host society. In this sense, they largely contribute, in conjunction with the actions of other groups of citizens, to reframing the French republican model by demonstrating that universalism and equality are compatible with multiculturalism and diversity. There is still a long way to go and the various forms of political participation of the “Chinese-French” will continue to require further scrutiny.

in Journal of Chinese Overseas Publié en 2020-11-18
CHUANG Ya-Han
MERLE Aurore
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As Chinese immigration to Europe continues to grow, the research on the migration patterns and mobility regimes of this population has flourished and diversified (Laczko 2003; Thunø and Li 20201). In such a context, France remains the European country where Chinese communities’ claims of citizenship have become the most tangible. Since 2010, when the first protest in the Belleville neighborhood of Paris was organized, the “Chinese-French” have been seeking their own space, words and identity within the French social and political landscape. The French case is a key case study today in Europe for analyzing the renewed challenges that host countries face in incorporating migrants’ descendants. Indeed, 30 years after the descendants of North African immigrants’ first took to the streets to claim their rights, Chinese (and Southeast Asian) descendants’ emerging activism signifies a generational turn within the immigrant communities. However, the current situation differs on two points: first, unlike North and sub-Saharan African immigration, where immigrants have suffered systemic racism due to the colonial heritage, Chinese and Southeast Asian immigration is historically less subject to the colonial heritage; second, Chinese immigrants and their descendants have long been considered a model minority, yet this label has contributed to their exclusion from the overall definition of French national identity. The case of the Chinese xin yimin 新移民 (new migrants) and their descendants in France therefore offers fresh perspectives on the analyses of ethnic relations in the host countries of Europe...

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Notre collègue Fariba Adelkhah, chercheuse au CERI a fait des mobilités un de ses terrains d’études privilégiés, ses travaux les plus récents portant sur la circulation des clercs chiites entre l’Afghanistan, l’Iran et l’Irak. Elle aurait certainement contribué à ce dossier, si elle avait aujourd’hui la possibilité de s’exprimer librement. Il n’en est rien. À défaut de sa contribution et sans nous autoriser à parler pour elle, nous souhaitons vous faire découvrir ou redécouvrir un de ses ouvrages : Les mille et une frontières de l’Iran : quand les voyages forment la nation (2012, Éditions Karthala)(1). Vous en trouverez ici de longs extraits et pourrez profiter de la profondeur, la pétulance et la sensibilité de ce récit.

in Cogito, le magazine de la recherche (Sciences Po) Publié en 2020-04-26
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La migration des femmes par le mariage est un phénomène ancien, qui s’est renouvelé depuis les années 1990 avec les mobilités internationales. En m’appuyant sur des recherches collectives, j’en présente deux dimensions essentielles. La première est celle du continuum entre les migrations de travail et de mariage, toutes deux liées à la prise en charge du « care ». La seconde a trait aux tensions entre des cadres d’analyse mettant en avant l”agency”, traduisant la prise en mains par les femmes de leurs migrations, et ceux insistant sur l’exploitation des corps et de la force de travail féminine.

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Compte rendu de l'ouvrage "Staged Seduction: Selling Dreams in a Tokyo Host Club", d'Akiko Takeyama, Stanford University Press, Stanford, 2016, 248 p.

in Ethnic and Racial Studies Publié en 2020-02
CHUANG Ya-Han, Laboratoire Interdisciplinaire Solidarités, Sociétés, Territoires
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This article examines the collective actions undertaken by two groups of Chinese female migrants in Paris: sex workers who opposed a new law on prostitution, and manicurists who joined trade unions and went on strike. These women share similar geographical origins and migration projects; many came to France alone, and thus have much weaker social capital than other Chinese migrants in Paris, which pushed them to choose professional sectors viewed as marginal or even stigmatized. Despite their precarious situation, their marginal position has created conditions for collective action, enabling them to develop strong sense of collective belonging and receive support from organizations outside the community. These findings show how a marginal position in an ethnic community can be a triggering factor for migrants’ inclusion and political engagement in the host society.

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The French Prostitution Act offers the country’s sex workers a way out, but the programme is picky about who it accepts.

La loi du 13 Avril 2016 contre le « système prostitutionnel » visait plusieurs objectifs : favoriser les parcours de sortie de la prostitution, lutter contre la traite des personnes, renverser la charge pénale pour la faire peser sur le client… Trois ans après son entrée en vigueur, le bilan qu’on peut dresser après consultation des associations est sans appel : c’est un échec, et la situation des travailleur.se.s du sexe a empiré.

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