Co-auteur
  • CASTELLI GATTINARA Pietro (14)
  • ALBANESE Matteo (3)
  • GANESH Bharath (2)
  • JENNINGS Will (2)
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  • Article (23)
  • Rapport (3)
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C’est désormais un poncif : l’extrême droite serait une quasi-résultante des problèmes de l’urbanisme, le fruit des classes populaires et moyennes confrontées aux difficultés de l’habitat dégradé en secteur cosmopolite. Cette étude de Caterina Froio, Pietro Castelli Gattinara et Tommaso Vitale analyse en profondeur l’action et l’implantation de CasaPound, mouvement italien considéré comme une référence et un modèle par les radicaux de droite en Europe, dans les quartiers populaires. Elle démontre empiriquement comment des actions fabriquées pour les médias occultent une réalité plus en demi-teintes.

in UiO: C-REX - Center for Research on Extremism Publié en 2020-03-30
RAMACIOTTI MORALES Pedro
METIN Omer Faruk
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First lines: Activists wearing Yellow Safety Vests started taking the streets in France since October 2018. Many commentators linked their grievances to radical right and “anti-establishment” politics. Why is it not so simple? Activists wearing yellow safety vests, or Gilets Jaunes, started taking the streets in France in October 2018. As these uprisings could not be connected to any political party or to any clear political agenda, some commentators linked their grievances with the ethnocentric and ‘anti-establishment’ discourse of the Rassemblement National (formerly Front National, RN). After more than a year of demonstrations, and some attempts by Marine Le Pen to latch on to the Yellow Vests (YVs) the RN has failed to capitalize on this discontent suggesting that the relationship of the YVs with the populist radical right is probably not that obvious. We argue that it is overly simplistic to associate the YVs with the populist radical right. While the ideology of the radical right is crucially informed by nativism, authoritarianism and populism, the YVs movement is not based on a single, accepted platform, and it talks very little about immigration and law and order issues. In addition, it is not just against the ‘establishment’ or democracy tout court but mostly concerned with institutional reforms (notably to improve the accountability of the executive). Our claim is supported by the findings of an ongoing research project at CEE & médialab of Sciences P

in The International Journal of Press/Politics Publié en 2020-03
STIER Sebastian
KIRKIZH Nora
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Research has shown that citizens with populist attitudes evaluate the news media more negatively, and there is also suggestive evidence that they rely less on established news sources like the legacy press. However, due to data limitations, there is still no solid evidence whether populist citizens have skewed news diets in the contemporary high-choice digital media environment. In this paper, we rely on the selective exposure framework and investigate the relationship between populist attitudes and the consumption of various types of online news. To test our theoretical assumptions, we link 150 million Web site visits by 7,729 Internet users in France, Germany, Italy, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States to their responses in an online survey. This design allows us to measure media exposure more precisely than previous studies while linking these data to demographic attributes and political attitudes of participants. The results show that populist attitudes leave pronounced marks in people’s news diets, but the evidence is heterogeneous and highly contingent on the supply side of a country’s media system. Most importantly, citizens with populist attitudes visit less Web sites from the legacy press, while consuming more hyperpartisan news. Despite these tendencies, the Web tracking data show that populist citizens still primarily get their news from established sources. We discuss the implications of these results for the current state of public spheres in democracies.

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In 2003, the occupation of a state-owned building in Rome led to the emergence of a new extreme-right youth movement: CasaPound Italia (CPI). Its members described themselves as 'Fascists of the Third Millennium', and were unabashed about their admiration for Benito Mussolini. Over the next 15 years, they would take to the street, contest national elections, open over a hundred centres across Italy, and capture the attention of the Italian public. While CPI can count only on a few thousands votes, it enjoys disproportionate attention in public debates from the media. So what exactly is CasaPound? How can we explain the high profile achieved by such a nostalgic group with no electoral support? In this book, Caterina Froio, Pietro Castelli Gattinara, Giorgia Bulli and Matteo Albanese explore CasaPound Italia and its particular political strategy combining the organization and style of both political parties and social movements and bringing together extreme-right ideas and pop-culture symbols. They contend that this strategy of hybridization allowed a fringe organization like CasaPound to consolidate its position within the Italian far-right milieu, but also, crucially, to make extreme-right ideas routine in public debates. The authors illustrate this argument drawing on unique empirical material gathered during five years of research, including several months of overt observation at concerts and events, face-to-face interviews, and the qualitative and quantitative analysis of online and offline campaigns. By describing how hybridization grants extremist groups the leeway to expand their reach and penetrate mainstream political debates, this book is core reading for anyone concerned about the nature and growth of far-right politics in contemporary democracies. Providing a fresh insight as to how contemporary extreme-right groups organize to capture public attention, this study will also be of interest to students, scholars and activists interested in the complex relationship between party competition and street protest more generally.

El presente artículo estudia las interacciones políticas en Internet. Es problemático trazar una línea entre la realidad online y offline, pero Internet sigue siendo una fuente privilegiada para estudiar el discurso de las derechas extremas y la política de identidad. El texto aborda este enfoque: en primer lugar porque, éste representa un terreno para crear solidaridad a través de la difusión y el intercambio de información que es más amplio que las arenas tradicionales (Dijk y Hacker, 2003). De hecho, a diferencia de otros medios tales como la televisión, la radio y/o la prensa, Internet representa una parte del espacio público al que el acceso es más sencillo (Dahlgren, 2000). Y en segundo lugar, porque cualquier internauta puede tomar la palabra, sean cuales sean sus competencias en política o sus opiniones, de la misma forma que puede difundir opiniones que no tienen legitimidad en la esfera pública institucional. This article studies political interactions on the Internet. It is problematic to draw a line between online and offline reality, but the Internet is still a privileged source to study the discourse of extreme rights and identity policy. The text addresses this approach: firstly, because it represents a terrain to create solidarity through the dissemination and exchange of information that is broader than traditional arenas (Dijk and Hacker, 2003). In fact, unlike other media such as television, radio and / or the press, the Internet represents a part of the public space to which access is easier (Dahlgren, 2000). And secondly, because any Internet user can take the floor, whatever their powers in politics or their opinions, in the same way that they can disseminate opinions that have no legitimacy in the institutional public sphere.

in European Journal of Political Research Publié en 2019-12
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Introduction The year 2018 shattered Italian politics. During the campaign for national elections in February, the police arrested right‐wing extremist Luca Traini after injuring six migrants in the city of Macerata in central Italy. A few weeks later, in March, the general elections marked the success of Luigi di Maio's Five Star Movement (M5s) and Matteo Salvini's League (Lega) and relegated the parties that dominated the previous phase –the Democratic Party (PD) and Go Italy (FI) – and their leaders – Matteo Renzi and Silvio Berlusconi – to the margins of Italy's party system. Since no political coalition or party won an outright majority in the elections, the elections resulted in a hung Parliament. After three months of negotiations, the Lega and M5S eventually managed to strike a deal that set up the first Giuseppe Conte government. While the issue of migration shaped public debates and policy‐making, putting Italy's bilateral relations with France under strain, the Italian government's difficulty to pass the 2019 budget plan triggered tensions with the European Commission and instability on the financial markets.

in LSE - The London School of Economics and Political Science - EUROPP Publié en 2019-10-07
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1rst lines: The traditional left-right divide which shaped political competition across Europe in the post-war period is increasingly being supplanted by new patterns of competition. Drawing on the experience of the 2019 European Parliament elections, Anja Durovic, Caterina Froio, Gilles Ivaldi, Sarah de Lange, Nonna Mayer and Jan Rovny explain that one of the more interesting developments is the way that old divides have taken on new meaning in European politics. Urban-rural, education and gender divisions are now key elements in the split between urban cosmopolitanism, represented by Green or Liberal parties, and more peripherally concentrated nativist traditionalism, represented by the radical right.

Pur non condividendo quello che fa, come lo fa e gli obiettivi che ha, molti accettano passivamente l’idea che l’estrema destra dia voce al disagio delle periferie italiane. Intorno a questa interpretazione si coagulano molti dei discorsi su CasaPound, anche nella sinistra più critica e radicale. Abbandonate da partiti e istituzioni, le periferie sarebbero intrinsecamente razziste e rancorose e offrirebbero alle destre neofasciste opportunità di reclutamento, rappresentanza e azione collettiva. Ma è proprio così? Davvero CasaPound dà voce al disagio delle periferie? I fatti di Casal Bruciato, a Roma, ci offrono lo spunto per rispondere con una certa precisione a questo quesito.

in COGITO, la lettre de la recherche à Sciences Po Publié en 2019-04-13
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La présence en ligne d’organisations, d’activistes et de personnalités de droite extrême et la diffusion de leurs idées par le biais des réseaux sociaux sont en train de devenir l’épouvantail de la majorité des commentateurs et commentatrices de la vie politique. Si les chercheur.e.s s’accordent à dire que les réseaux sociaux permettent à ces entrepreneurs politiques de diffuser leurs idées, il reste encore à comprendre comment ces échanges se produisent et quels sont leurs contenus. Voulant à répondre à ces questions, j’ai mené une recherche* avec Bharath Ganesh (Oxford Internet Institute) dont nous avons exposé les résultats dans la revue European Societies : The transnationalisation of far right discourse on Twitter. Nous y avons étudié différentes formations d’extrême droite, c’est-à-dire des partis politiques et mouvements sociaux qui se caractérisent par leur ethnocentrisme et leur vision autoritaire de la société, suivant la définition de Cas Mudde présentée dans l’ouvrage Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe (Cambridge University Press, 2007). Il s’agissait pour nous d’examiner les échanges sur Twitter entre ces formations, leurs activistes et leurs leaders dans quatre pays d’Europe Occidentale : France, Italie, Allemagne, Royaume-Uni. L’idée était d’identifier – malgré les spécificités nationales – les réseaux communs de diffusion, définir leurs caractéristiques, les idées qu’ils partagent et qui en sont les promoteurs. Pour cela, nous avons étudié les circulations transnationales de leurs discours numériques.

Publié en 2019-02-16 Nom de la conférence Politeia
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La présence en ligne d’organisations, activistes et politiciens/politiciennes dits/dites populistes et la diffusion de leurs idées par le biais des réseaux sociaux sont en train de devenir l’épouvantail de nombreux/nombreuses commentateurs/commentatrices de la vie politique. Alors que les chercheurs/chercheures s’accordent à dire que les réseaux sociaux permettent à ces entrepreneurs politiques de diffuser leurs idées, il reste encore à comprendre comment ces échanges se produisent et quels sont leurs contenus. Pour aborder ces questions, cette intervention considère les échanges entre formations, activistes et politiciens/politiciennes d’extrême droite en Europe sur Twitter. Il s’agira donc ici de voir s’il existe des réseaux de diffusion, quelles idées sont partagées, qui en sont les promoteurs et s’il y a lieu de s’en inquiéter.

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