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  • RECCHI Ettore (15)
  • SCHRADIE Jen (14)
  • SAUGER Nicolas (14)
  • SAFI Mirna (14)
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  • Article (19)
  • Rapport (10)
  • Working paper (6)
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The Covid-19 pandemic is disrupting the international political economy unlike any event since WWII. Consequently, France reversed years of fiscal consolidation by instating, at least temporarily, a costly emergency furlough scheme reaching a third of the workforce. This provides a natural setting to investigate a potential ‘critical juncture’, and whether the French public still accepts austerity politics today, as it seems to have after the Global Financial Crisis. We observe crisis narratives’ salience across social classes, employing an original quantitative approach for Critical Political Economy, which uses panel data and two experiments. We test if citizens’ viewpoints are sensitive to the trade-off between health and economics, receptive to austerity and conditioned by their socioeconomic status. We find that public opinion shifted after an authoritative and dire economic forecast at the pandemic’s first peak in April 2020, but that acquiescence to austerity did not occur during the phase-out of the first lockdown in June, with the exception of the upper class. Overall, public support favours increased social spending, and pro-austerity crisis narratives might not shape the majority’s ‘common sense’, as they had after the GFC. We conclude with implications for the study of class and public policy in a post-pandemic world.

We compare labour market protection varieties and evaluate systematically trajectories of change across 21 high-income countries over three decades. Our measures – Principal Component Analysis and a new multidimensional indicator – deal with the average production worker assumption and allow us to assess countries’ trajectories of change in relation to, and independently from, classic varieties. We find that in 1990 labour market protection varieties retrace mostly Esping-Andersen’s worlds of welfare, and in 2015 the distinction between social democratic and Christian democratic regimes vanishes, while Mediterranean and liberal countries are grouped respectively more tightly. Moreover, despite the persistent difference between Coordinated (CMEs) and Liberal Market Economies (LMEs) in their labour market protection levels, a large majority of CMEs became more similar to LMEs, after their pursuit of liberalization and dualization trajectories. At the opposite, a handful of CMEs experienced an increase in labour market protection following flexicurity, de-dualization and higher protection trajectories. To help conceptualise the space where countries move, worlds of welfare, varieties of capitalism and the ideal typical trajectories developed in the literature are used to interpret labour market liberalization patterns; however, the trajectories we identify do not always conform to classic varieties and appear more varied than previously suggested.

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The article is a commentary to Achille Ardigò’s essay Introduction to the sociological analysis of the welfare state and its transformations published in 1977. It highlights the theoretical roots of Ardigò’s work and its capacity to anticipate issues and themes developed successfully in the welfare state literature. We focus on three contributions of his work: 1) to the historical sociology of the welfare state; 2) to the understanding of the specificity of the Italian welfare state; 3) to the analysis of the relationship between welfare and political legitimacy. The article concludes with a reflection on the welfare state as an object of sociological interest beyond the borders of the nation-state.

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The paper investigates the Italian institutional adaptation to Neoliberalism and contributes to the literature in two ways. First, we analyse Italian and international political economy developments since the late 1960s, employing a historical institutionalist approach, sequencing the shift from the ‘roll back’ of Fordism to the ‘roll out’ of neoliberalism. In doing so, we connect the long-standing relevance and re-emergence of neoliberal ideas among technocratic elites and major political parties to the progressive building up of a neoliberal turn in 1992. Second, we develop the notion of selective neoliberalism, defined as a modality of institutional adaptation to neoliberalism which starts from the margins after the 1992 critical juncture, hitting first weak social groups through a dualization process, and then expanding to the rest of society in the form of liberalisation. We illustrate how successive governments circumvented the resistance of trade unions and completed the process of neoliberal adaptation over time, through an analysis of labour market and pension reform processes. The notion of selective neoliberalism might be applied to other countries and policy domains, in particular where an incremental reform process undermines step-by-step the resistance of different veto players to neoliberalization.

Ferragina, Zola: An Obituary for Austerity Narratives? iiiAbstractThe Covid-19 pandemic is disrupting the international political economy context unlike any event since World War II. As a consequence, the French government has, at least mo-mentarily, reversed decades of fiscal consolidation policies sedimented around austerity narratives by instating a costly emergency furlough scheme for a third of the workforce. This crisis provides a natural setting to investigate the relations among an emerging “critical juncture” in political economy, public preferences, and the salience of austerity narratives. We collected panel data and administered two experiments to test if citizens’ viewpoints are sensitive to the trade-off between health and economics, still receptive to austerity narra-tives, and conditioned by socioeconomic status in supporting them. We find public view-points were highly swayable between health and economic concerns at the first peak of the epidemic outbreak in April 2020, but they were not influenced by the austerity narratives during the phase-out of the lockdown in June, with the exception of the upper class. Overall, public support is shifting in favor of increased social spending, and austerity might no lon-ger inhabit the majority’s “common sense.” We conclude with further implications for the study of class and conflict in a post-pandemic world.

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Care occupations are strongly gendered and remain relatively poorly paid, particularly in the United States. Prior research points to individual, relational, and market- valuation factors in explaining the relative earnings of care workers. In contrast, this study applies a comparative institutional perspective to investigate cross-national differences in the relative earnings of care workers. Using merged data from the U.S. Current Population Survey and EU-SILC, we find that national variance in labour market and welfare state institutions explains nearly all of the difference in the relative earnings of reproductive care workers between the U.S. and EU. Higher rates of collective bargaining coverage and welfare state spending contribute to higher relative earnings for reproductive care occupations, and lower relative earnings for high-status nurturant care occupations. Differences in the relative earnings of care workers appear to be primarily a construct of social and labour market policies.

Début 2020, l’idée d’une pandémie mondiale était étrangère à la plupart d’entre nous. Et, évidemment, le principe du confinement nous était encore plus éloigné. Mais le bilan de cette année de la Covid-19 reste marqué par le fait que de nombreux gouvernements de par le monde ont édicté des interdictions de sortie du domicile et d’autres mesures de restriction. En France, les gens ont maintenant l’expérience de deux confinements nationaux. Celui du printemps, qui a duré deux mois, a été strict avec la fermeture des écoles, la limitation de l’accès aux espaces publics ouverts ainsi que la fermeture de la plupart des lieux de travail. Le confinement d’automne, le second de l’année, a été plus souple, les écoles et les entreprises restant ouvertes pour la plupart. Mais pour les deux confinements, tout le monde en France devait fournir une attestation sur l’honneur pour effectuer les sorties essentielles. Les réunions publiques, les bars et les restaurants restaient également fermés. Ce policy brief analyse comment la population française a traversé cette année, en comparant les expériences du premier et du second confinement, au prisme de la question des inégalités. Comme pour les autres Policy briefs de cette série, nous utilisons la capacité explicative de sondages répétés auprès des mêmes personnes qui font toutes partie du panel longitudinal français ELIPSS.

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In the beginning of 2020, the idea of a worldwide pandemic was not on most people’s minds, let alone the concept of a lockdown. But as this Covid-19 year comes to a close, governments around the globe have instituted stay-at-home orders and other restrictions. In France, people have now experienced two national lockdowns. The first spring lockdown, lasting two months, was severe with schools, outdoor public spaces, and most workplaces closed. The second fall lockdown was less drastic, as schools and many businesses stayed open. Yet for both lockdowns, everyone in France needed a self-written authorization to go outside only for essential outings. Public gatherings, bars, and restaurants remained shuttered. This policy brief analyzes how people in France navigated this past year, comparing the spring and fall lockdown experiences, with an eye toward tracking inequalities. As with previous Policy Briefs, we leverage the power of repeated surveys with the same pool of respondents who are all part of a longitudinal sample of the French population (ELIPSS).

in Whither social rights in (post-) brexit Europe? Sous la direction de DONOGHUE Matthew , KUISMA Mikko Publié en 2020-11
ARRIGONI Alessandro
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Only 15 years ago it would have been difficult to envisage the current European political landscape: the decline of mainstream political parties, the rise of new challengers on the right and left, the crisis of European Union institutions in the wake of austerity policies and centrifugal tendencies such as Brexit. The consequences of the 2008 financial crisis have strongly affected the continent and are often invoked to explain the challenges traversing Europe at the political and social levels. Despite the relevance of this crisis, however, one has also to examine the long-term challenges posed by the transformation of European societies. To do so, we have developed the notion of the ‘rising invisible majority’ to explore the interconnections between the political economy and the changing composition of society. This concept charts a similar—if differently paced—transformation across Europe throughout the neoliberal phase of capitalism. We suggest that this transformation can affect the political and social context.

in Le monde d'aujourd'hui Sous la direction de LAZAR Marc, PLANTIN Guillaume, RAGOT Xavier Publié en 2020-10
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Ce chapitre repose sur une contribution collective de l’équipe impliquée dans la conception et l’analyse de l’enquête Faire face au Covid-19 (CoCo) (OSC, CDSP). Il en expose les premiers résultats. Comment la société a-t-elle pu faire face à ce contexte brutal et inédit qu’est le confinement ? Quels ont été les déterminants les plus décisifs ayant modulé l’expérience quotidienne du confinement et quels furent les accélérateurs ou les amortisseurs de la pression sociale et économique qu’il a déclenchée? Faire face a-t-il induit des transformations profondes de notre système social ou plutôt donné lieu à des ajustements locaux, de faible ampleur et réversibles à moyen ou long terme ? Le dispositif empirique permet de décrire et parfois d'évaluer de manière quasi-expérimentale les transformations qui se sont produites avec le confinement et en particulier les changements dans les pratiques sociales concrètes (vie familiale, travail, relations sociales, éducation, loisirs, etc.), dans des indicateurs subjectifs de bien-être, dans des indicateurs de santé physique ainsi que dans les attitudes politiques et les valeurs.

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