Co-auteur
  • SEELEIB-KAISER Martin (3)
  • TOMLINSON Mark (2)
  • WALKER Robert (2)
  • ARRIGONI Alessandro (1)
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Type de Document
  • Article (13)
  • Partie ou chapitre de livre (2)
  • Working paper (2)
  • Compte-rendu d’ouvrage (1)
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La crisi economica ha contribuito in pochi anni a modificare profondamente lo scenario politico europeo, con l’emergere di soggetti nuovi – sia a destra che a sinistra – che hanno disturbato l’ordine bipartitico per molti anni trionfante. La situazione sarebbe pertanto favorevole alla nascita di una nuova formazione di sinistra, che però deve affrontare due questioni cruciali: il blocco sociale da rappresentare e la scala geografica – regionale, nazionale o europea – su cui lavorare.

Van Kersbergen and Vis provide a documented outlook and some new insights into the vast literature surrounding the ‘politics of welfare state reforms’. As they suggest: ‘The book is explicitly conceived and designed as a cross between a text- or reference book, that informs the reader comprehensively about the state of the art in the field of the welfare state studies and an academic research monograph that aims to contribute theoretically and empirically to the on-going debate on the politics of welfare state reform’ (p. 4 ).

in International Journal of Comparative Sociology Publié en 2017-01
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The article investigates the relationship between the welfare state and social capital in Europe during the 1990s and the 2000s using structural equation modelling (SEM). By formulating and testing the hypothesis that welfare state generosity and welfare state size have different effects on social capital, we reassess the explanatory power of the main theories in the field and the findings of previous empirical work. We strongly support the contention of institutional theory that there is a positive association between high degrees of welfare state generosity and social capital. Moreover, we partially confirm the concern of neoclassical and communitarian theories for the negative correlation between large-size welfare states and social capital. The positive relationship between welfare state generosity and social capital is much stronger than the negative association observed with welfare state size. Finally, we interpret the considerable cross-country variation using welfare regime theory and several country cases. We illuminate different mechanisms linking welfare state development and social capital creation, discussing the Danish and Dutch third sector experiences and pointing to Sweden as an exceptional case of decline. Furthermore, we highlight the importance of regional variation in Belgium, Germany and Italy and complement the analysis also briefly discussing the Austrian, French, Irish and British cases.

in Partecipazione e conflitto Publié en 2016-11
FEYERTAG Joseph
SEELEIB-KAISER Martin
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The number of labour market outsiders in Europe has dramatically increased, especially among the youth, potentially influencing social and political participation. Using logistic regressions and comparable survey data – the British Household Panel (BHPS) and the German Socio-Economic Panel (GSOEP) – we connect insights drawn from Varieties of Capitalism and dualization literature with an investigation of individual level outcomes in Britain and Germany. First, we disentangle the impact of skills on outsiderness among the overall population and the youth. Second, we analyse the influence of skills and outsiderness on people’s social and political participation. We suggest that skills matter in protecting individuals from labour market outsiderness, but they do so in different ways across liberal and coordinated market economies and age groups. While the possession of specific skills reduces the likelihood of being a labour market outsider among young people, it has the opposite effect on political participation. In contrast, education fosters participation but does not reduce the risk of becoming an outsider in the same age cohort. Moreover, although there is no difference between insiders and outsiders when it comes to political participation, being an outsider may reduce social participation. Finally, young people are more likely to be excluded from social and political participation in Britain than in Germany as a consequence of different welfare and socio-economic systems.

in Social politics Publié en 2015
FERRAGINA Emanuele
SEELEIB-KAISER Martin
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This paper contributes to the comparative social policy literature in two ways. First, we use multiple correspondence analysis in order to assess the different directions and the degree of (employment-oriented) family policy change over the past three decades in 18 rich Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries. Second, we perform a series of correlations to identify the core drivers of these developments. Our main findings—based on five international datasets—are: (i) we have been witnesses of a significant expansion of family policies over the past three decades in almost all countries analysed, although the degree of change (distinguished by first-, second- and third-order change) differs across the OECD area; and (ii) whilst in the 1980s and 1990s social democracy and organised women were key drivers of family policy expansion, during the 2000s public opinion, that increasingly seems to support a “modernised” family lifestyle in which mothers are employed, seems to have played an essential role in explaining policy change.

Publié en 2015-06
TOMLINSON Mark
WALKER Robert
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Observatoire sociologique du changement – 27 rue Saint - Guillaume 75337 Paris Cedex 07 http://www.sciencespo.fr/osc/fr Tel +33 (0)1 45 49 54 50 Fax +33 (0)1 45 49 54 86 Résumé : Peter Townsend déclarait que la pauvreté pouvait être scientifiquement mesurée comme un point de rupture dans la distribu tion du revenu en dessous duquel la participation à la société s’effondre. Cet article explore l’hypothèse de Townsend : (1) en élargissant les dimensions de la participation sociale telle que conçue par Townsend, (2) en exploitant de nouvelles données (Un derstanding Society, 2011; 2013, N=40, 000 ménages) et en utilisant le modèle SEM (Structural Equation Modelling) , enfin (3) en prenant en compte l’aspect pluri - culturel/ethnique de la société Britannique. La participation à la société ― définie dans un se ns large qui inclut la non - privation économique, la participation sociale et la confiance ― diminue avec la baisse du niveau de revenu puis cesse de se réduire pour les 30% des individus les plus pauvres. Ceci peut indiquer un effet de seuil de participati on, un pallier plutôt qu’un point de rupture comme le suggère Townsend, qui reste valable même pour les revenus très faibles. Finalement, nous montrerons que les personnes interrogées issues des minorités présentent un moindre niveau de participation socia le par rapport aux autochtones.

in Social policy and society Publié en 2016-09
TOMLINSON Mark
WALKER Robert
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Peter Townsend argued that poverty could be scientifically measured as a ‘breakpoint’ within the income distribution below which participation collapses. This paper stands on Townsend’s shoulders in measuring the level of poverty and participation by: (1) broadening his original measurement of participation; (2) using Structural Equation Modelling (SEM) in conjunction with a new dataset including 40,000 households (Understanding Society, 2011; 2013); and (3) taking into account the multi-cultural/ethnic nature of British society. We find that participation – defined as lack of deprivation, social participation and trust – reduces as income falls but stops doing so among the poorest 30 per cent of individuals. This may be indicating a minimum level of participation, a floor rather than a ‘breakpoint’ as suggested by Townsend, which has to be sustained irrespective of how low income is. Respondents with an ethnic minority background manifest lower levels of participation than white respondents but the relationship has a less linear pattern. Moreover, the floor detected for the overall population is also replicated when combining all respondents from ethnic groups.

in L’Année sociologique Publié en 2018-10
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Durant les trois dernières décennies, les politiques familiales des pays riches ont connu un essor qui contraste avec le mouvement global d’austérité engagé par les États-providence. Les régimes de politiques familiales semblent converger progressivement vers le modèle Earning Carer et le schéma suédois – caractérisé par des dépenses élevées dans les services publics de garde d’enfants et un partage plus égalitaire des congés parentaux. Ce modèle semble aussi promouvoir la participation des femmes au marché du travail. Dans ce contexte, cet article vise principalement à discuter de ces évolutions selon les concepts que Polanyi emploie dans son ouvrage majeur, La Grande Transformation. Suivant son approche analytique, nous suggérons que l’essor des politiques familiales peut être compris en lien avec le désengagement de l’État-providence et le développement global de l’économie politique (political economy), et qu’il génère deux mouvements de sens opposés. D’un côté, l’accroissement des politiques familiales – parallèlement au désengagement de l’État-providence – semble inciter les mères à accepter plus facilement des salaires modestes dans une économie fondée sur les services. De l’autre, il contribue en partie à les libérer des activités de soins et d’accompagnement (care). Une première interprétation considère les politiques familiales comme un nouvel outil de promotion du capitalisme néolibéral, tandis qu’une seconde y voit une assistance essentielle aux parents de jeunes enfants pour surmonter la hausse des coûts de prise en charge. Ces deux phénomènes interagissent, mais sous l’impact croissant du désengagement de l’État-providence, le premier mouvement semble plus déterminant que le second.

Using confirmatory factor analysis and several regression models, this paper assesses the relation between different welfare state configurations and social capital in 19 European countries over two decades. The results suggest that welfare state configurations characterized by high degrees of decommodification and restrained levels of social spending are associated with higher social capital scores. Moreover, the positive relation between decommodification and social capital is stronger than the negative association observed with social spending. At the theoretical level, on the one hand, the findings seem to partially confirm the concern of neoclassical and communitarian theorists for the negative correlation between large size welfare states and social capital. On the other hand, they support the contention of institutional theorists that there is a strong positive association between high degrees of welfare state generosity and social capital.

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We distinguish between social capital theory and social capital political discourse in order to reflect upon their relation with one another and neoliberalism. We claim this analytical distinction is useful to understand the existence of a feedback effect between theory and political discourse. During the 1990s, the connection between social capital theory and neoliberalism has been transposed from academia to political discourse, thus contributing to popularise social capital within the public sphere. Over time, however, rising economic inequalities (exacerbated by the recent economic crises) have demonstrated that the neoliberal political agenda is incompatible with the aim to generate social capital. Focusing on the critical case of Britain, we argue that the rapid demise of the Big Society idea might signal a corresponding decline of social capital theory within academia.

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