Co-auteur
  • DELPEUCH Claire (4)
  • VAN DER MAREL Erik (3)
  • LE VERNOY Alexandre (3)
  • DE MELO Jaime (3)
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Type de Document
  • Partie ou chapitre de livre (55)
  • Working paper (36)
  • Article (35)
  • Rapport (14)
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in Conflits et négociations dans le commerce international : l'Uruguay round / IVe Colloque du GRECO CNRS EFIQ [Groupement de recherches coordonnées du Centre national de la recherche scientifique Économie et finances internationales quantitatives, Toulouse, juillet 1987] Sous la direction de VELLAS François Publié en 1989
DE MELO Jaime
MESSERLIN Patrick
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in Trade, Payments, and Adjustments in Central and Eastern Europe : Proceedings of an EBRD Conference, 26-27 March 1992 Sous la direction de ROLLO J.M.C., FLEMMING John S. Publié en 1992
AGHION Philippe
BURGESS Robin
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in State Aid and the Single Market Publié en 1999-01
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The issue of State aids (or subsidies) in an international perspective is a permanent source of conflicts because it is at the junction of three opposite views — the mercantilist attitude, the pure trade theory and the political economy approach. First, in a mercantilist perspective focusing on exports and domestic producers (to the detriment of imports and domestic consumers), that subsidies increase imports or reduce exports of the trading partners of the subsidising country is ‘unfair’ competition. Firms under foreign subsidy pressures feel that they cannot ‘compete with foreign governments’ and they lobby for ‘countervailing’ those foreign subsidies. Second, the pure trade theory has two stands. It underlines the fact that subsidised imports from trading partners are a benefit for the consumers of the importing country. And it shows that subsidies are among the least distorting instruments for solving a long list of problems. In particular, they are less distorting than tariffs or non-tariff barriers (NTBs). If public action favouring a particular activity is desired or if there is a need to compensate for economic distortions, then subsidised production funded by general taxation is likely to be the best instrument to be used. Lastly, the third view based on a political economy approach stresses the fact that State aids are easily captured by vested interests for their own agenda — hence becoming a source of waste of scarce economic resources. This approach explains the wide reluctance among economists to support subsidies and their perception that State aids should be constrained for domestic reasons — in sharp contrast with the first view which focuses on disciplines to be imposed on foreign subsidies and with the second view suggesting the use of subsidies for many purposes (...).

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This report emphasizes high-income countries’ responsibility to lead by example in pursuing more open markets and in supporting the Least Developed Countries to raise their export competitiveness. It proposes concrete and practical steps that governments and international agencies can undertake to bring trade to bear on development. The report has been prepared by a group of leading experts who contributed in their personal capacity and volunteered their time to this important task. I am very grateful for their thorough and skilled efforts, and I am sure that the practical options for action in this report will make an important contribution to achieving the Millennium Development Goals. I strongly recommend it to anyone who is interested in how to mobilize trade for development.

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The author looks at the OECD domestic political economy associated with ongoing WTO farm negotiations, focusing on the OECD-based coalitions which could be helpful for WTO negotiators. Support from individual final consumers and taxpayers is far from guaranteed because consumers are spending less and less on food, and because taxpayers support, more or less willingly, non-trade concerns, such as environment or food safety, that they tend (wrongly) to associate with domestic farmers. As a result, trade negotiators should look at other allies. A natural candidate is a powerful group of consumers-the agribusiness industries-for which a reduction of the still high protection of their products under the Doha Round requires a corresponding reduction of protection in their farm inputs. They should also talk to farmers, hence sharpen their arguments, in particular by focusing on the distinction between small and large farmers, the latter being by far the main beneficiaries of the current OECD farm protectionist policies.

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Drawing attention to the marked similarities between the French stance in the negotiations leading up to the Franco-British treaty of 1860 and its attitude during the GATT Uruguay Round of the early 1990s, the author investigates the roots of French protectionism in domestic issues. He stresses the weakness of the constitutional system in France that has led to a search for stability in other arenas which in turn has inhibited progress towards freer trade. He identifies a new strand in French thinking on trade which takes a more positive view of multilateralism, and focuses on the importance of establishing a reasoned and reasonable debate in France on trade issues.

in Policy Implications of Anti-Dumping Measures Sous la direction de THARAKAN P. K. Mathew Publié en 1991
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Ni thèse, ni plaidoyer, ni réquisitoire, ce livre, en écartant les préjugés et en s’appuyant sur des faits, propose une série d’éclairages sur le comportement des Américains et leurs relations avec leurs homologues français. Il souligne, si besoin était, que l’économie américaine est faite de diversités, de contrastes, et que la meilleure recommandation que puisse faire un chef d’entreprise française qui en a l’expérience est de l’aborder sous la bannière du pragmatisme. » (Extrait) Ce livre vous aidera à comprendre les mécanismes d’influence, la réglementation, le comportement des investisseurs, la libéralisation des services, les subventions… ; tirer parti des expériences concrètes de responsables d’entreprises ; vous adapter aux pratiques américaines.

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