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in Contagion Sous la direction de DO PACO David Publié en 2020-04
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‘Lazarets never aimed to stop circulations’The history of lazarets lies at the crossroads between the history of circulations and that of pandemics. Initially built to isolate and treat plague patients, they were then closely associated with the economic development of the early modern European states, and ensured the development of safe circulation in the Mediterranean and Central Europe. Here, through the example of the lazaret of Trieste, we can also understand that a lazaret was a micropolis, and the social and cultural importance of such micropolis for the city, the history, and the memory of Trieste. This history is also that of an empire, of its governance and of the many actors operating at the local, regional and global levels, despite an ever-present pandemic risk. [...]

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Contagion is a podcast series on circulation and pandemic threats throughout history jointly promoted by Cromohs and the Cost Action CA18140 ‘People in Motion: Entangled Histories of Displacement across the Mediterranean (1492’1923)’, or PIMo The Covid-19 pandemic crisis forced all of us to re-organize our scientific activity. It impacts our social and academic life. It also invited historians and social scientists to share their work, to publicize their multiple insights on the current crisis, and to look at it into the light of different historical experiences. Contagion askes how individuals, groups, societies and states reacted to pandemics. Doing so it explores the economic, social, political, and cultural dimensions of pandemics as well as their impact on the evolution of societies. It is equally a matter of better understanding how the pandemic risk has been assessed, managed, and anticipated in ordinary times by communities and public actors. Pandemics must be seen as an integral part of global history. Viruses are proteins; they do not circulate per se but are carried by living beings, both humans and animals. The spread of a virus can be considered a risk associated with all forms of circulation. It is up to each society to be aware of this and to assess this risk according to its own expectations. The history of a pandemic is therefore linked to the history of trade, navigation, colonization and travel, but also to the history of science and the constitution and dissemination of knowledge. In the 16th century, the introduction of smallpox in the Caribbean and then in the Americas by European sailors, soldiers and missionaries led to the extinction of 90% of the native populations; they had not developed antibodies to a disease they had never encountered. The crew of Christopher Columbus, on the other hand, brought syphilis back to the Mediterranean, and the wars in Italy then spread it throughout Europe. Epidemics and pandemics can indeed be the result of wars. The virus can still be a biological weapon. In 1346, the Mongols of the Golden Horde catapulted contaminated bodies over the walls of the Genoese colony of Caffà, whose merchants brought the ‘Black Death’ to Europe. A virus spread all the more easily as the organisms were weakened. 17th-century European Catholic societies associated the plague with famine and war in their prayers. The first Sino-Japanese war of 1894 increased the risk of the spread of the plague first contained in China, which very quickly affected the entire Asian Pacific coast as well as India. And the ‘Spanish flu’ of 1918 could be considered intrinsically linked to war because of the weakened societies and the circulation of soldiers, in and through which it was spread. The spread of ebola in the province of North Kivu in 2019 was another obvious evidence of the close and complex link between an infectious disease and a war that has been going on since 2004. Societies could respond to pandemics in radically different ways, generate a variety of emotions. In the 16th-century Aztec Empire as in the 17th-century the Holy Roman Empire, an eschatology developed with the effects of diseases that significantly amplified respectively the deaths of the Spanish conquest and the Thirty Years War. The diary of Sam Pepys is an exceptional source on the perception of the effects of the ‘Great Plague’ in 1665 London. Pepys, like the rest of the gentry, perceived the plague as an urban threat. As the first districts were quarantined, he described the departure of London’s elite to the countryside, spreading the disease even further. He himself sent his mother and wife to Woolwich but stayed in town to ensure the supply of London. He staged his indifference in front of the bodies piling up in the streets and a sort of acceptance of the banality of death. The summer heatwave seemed to him heavier than the plague. Medicine and society could also clash in the interpretation of the necessary measures to be taken during a time of crisis. While during the ‘Black death’ in Granada, Ibn Katima introduced a first typology of plagues, explained how they spread, and recommended social distancing, in Florence Giovanni Boccaccio denounced the selfishness of his contemporaries who turned away from the sick and left them to die alone, rather than accompanying them if not trying to cure them. Pandemics can indeed generate stigmatization and social marginalization of infected people and, like the AIDS epidemics of the 1980s and 1990s, this stigmatization can be more devastating than the disease itself. Despite their global dimension, pandemics were also part of the history of states and state-building. ‘Exclusion’ and ‘surveillance’ were according to Michel Foucault the two pillars of biopolitics. It is certainly no coincidence that Thomas Hobbes, the theorist of the social contract in England, was also the translator of Thucydides’ The Plague in Athens. The biological protection of the social body becomes an imperative for the State, whose legitimacy rested on the existence of this body. Bad policy led in Athens to the death of the state itself, embodied here by that of Pericles and the numerous religious desecrations. Then epidemics and pandemics were occasions for the development of the institutions through which the State informed itself and imposed social control over the governed populations. Closing borders, restricting freedom of movement and expression, distrust of foreigners and the temporary or permanent exclusion from society of certain groups identified as vulnerable, are measures specific to biopolitics. In this sense, infectious diseases also constitute a risk for today democracies. It is all of these themes that Contagion proposes to tackle with the participation of historians from different periods and disciplines working throughout the world.

in Christian-Muslim Relations. A Bibliographical History Sous la direction de THOMAS David, CHESWORTH John Publié en 2020-03
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The political agents of Muslim rulers in Central Europe in the 18th century. David Do Paço The history of early modern European diplomacy is heavily dependent on studies focussed on the Peace of Westphalia of 1648. The treaties that were signed in Münster and Osnabrück have been portrayed as the foundations of a 'European diplomatic culture' based on international law and a new order established among Christian powers, that of proto-nation states ...[...]

in Christian-Muslim Relations. A Bibliographical History Sous la direction de THOMAS David, CHESWORTH John Publié en 2020-03
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This chapter is an analytical state-of-the-art in the history of Muslim diplomacy in Central Europe. It proposes to conduct a multipolar European political history, to qualify the importance of Western European courts in the relationships between the Christian-ruled Europe and the Ottoman world, but also to highlight the role of both personal networks and unofficial agents. Focusing mainly on Ottoman, North African and Moroccan embassies in the Habsburg Monarchy, the Kingdom of Poland and the Kingdom of Prussia, he underlines the existence of ancient and structured trans-imperial social worlds, which create the conditions for political commensurability between Christian and Muslims rulers. Finally, this chapter significantly reduces the importance of the model of the Treaties of Westphalia in 1648 in the construction of a European political history.

Studying the Ottoman subjects in eighteenth-century Vienna helps to understand better the process of integration of the different districts of the city in a fast-changing context, especially around its Danube port area. Despite the withdrawal of the Ottoman empire from central Europe after 1683, Ottomans were fully a part of the history of Vienna and their presence has to be explored within the specific urban dynamics of a city: the reconfiguration of its economic sectors and social places, the tensions at play between the socio-economic groups by which a city was made and the evolution of its urban planning. Focusing on the Ottoman merchants operating in Vienna allows us to identify and to analyse the workings of the port area of the fourth largest city in Europe and to explore the social spaces of Viennese markets, streets, courtyards and coffeehouses.

Cet article propose une histoire comparée de la création du consulat général des Ottomans de Vienne et du consul des nations grecque et ottomane à Trieste au dix-huitième siècle. Dans le cadre d’une monarchie composite comme celle des Habsbourg d’Autriche, le consulat relève de la collaboration d’un marchand, d’une famille, d’une nation ou d’un corps constitué au gouvernement exercé par le prince. Le consulat permet de sécuriser des sources de revenu d’un marchand, d’institutionnaliser une position de domination sociale ou de récompenser sous la forme d’une rente un serviteur ou une famille zélée. Les avantages que représente le consulat sont disputés entre les marchands et les corps constitués ; le service de la monarchie est en conséquence attractif. Le consulat n’est par ailleurs ici qu’une modalité parmi d’autres d’association des marchands ottomans au commerce de la monarchie autrichienne.

in Minorités en Méditerranée au XIXe siècle Sous la direction de ASSAN Valérie, HEYBERGER Bernard, VOGEL Jakob Publié en 2019-03
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Cette contribution analyse la façon dont le compilateur Giuseppe Maria Mainati met en récit l’histoire de la nation grecque orientale de Trieste en l’associant au développement de la ville et en opposition à celle des Grecs illyriens. Elle souligne la diversité d’une communauté basée sur le regroupement de ses membres au sein d’une diaspora et se caractérisant, en période de crise, par la mise en avant de son attachement à la famille impériale et de sa loyauté à l’Empire d’Autriche. Elle met également au jour un décalage entre un patriotisme triestin basé sur la célébration du cosmopolitisme communautaire, tel que Mainati le propose, et la multiplication des topographies de Trieste célébrant la vitalité d’une société au sein de laquelle l’appartenance à une catégorie socio-professionnelle semble l’emporter sur l’appartenance à une minorité.

in Monde(s). Histoire, Espaces, Relations Publié en 2018-10
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Cet article interroge le mythe construit autour de l’essor du port franc de Trieste pour analyser les enjeux et les étapes du développement de la ville portuaire tout au long du xviiie siècle. La création du port franc doit se lire dans le contexte d’un jeu politique à trois, entre la ville de Trieste, le duché de Carniole et la monarchie des Habsbourg. Aussi, elle affranchit la ville de Trieste de la tutelle de Laibach tout autant qu’elle entraîne progressivement la fin des libertés communales au profit de la Hofkammer. L’essor économique de Trieste répond alors à une politique courante au sein de la monarchie des Habsbourg, un gouvernement intégré au territoire via l’association des intérêts d’acteurs privés avec ceux de la Maison impériale et royale. Il en résulte une diversification des élites qui limite le pouvoir de l’ancien patriciat municipal, reflétant ainsi l’évolution socio-politique globale de la monarchie composite autrichienne.

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This article explores the multiple circles of diplomatic agents and their social belonging in the context of the international crisis in late eighteenth-century Istanbul, drawing upon the private papers of the imperial internuncio at Pera between 1779 and 1802. The son of an Irish Jacobite supporter who became a Jesuit and then a radical reformer in Vienna, Peter Herbert von Rathkeal was also a member of the Pera society in which he was born and raised. An agent of one of the most influential trans-imperial households established in Friuli, and a member of the Austrian and British nobilities, Herbert sought to become an eminent actor of the Ottoman diplomatic scene while remaining the patron of a cosmopolitan commercial-cum-political clientele. To study Herbert's actions is to question the model of diplomatie de type ancien in a cross-cultural and fast-changing context of crisis. Despite the collapse of the old diplomatic order with the breakdown of the French Revolution, and despite rising tensions generated by the increasingly sensitive ‘Eastern Question’, this article reveals how Herbert von Rathkeal managed to maintain a certain stability in Istanbul due to the economic and social resources, which his different circles of belonging opened up for him.

in The Moving Scenes Sous la direction de BEAUREPAIRE Pierre-Yves, BOURDIN Philippe, WOLFF Carlotta Publié en 2018-01
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This chapter points out the diasporal and professional systems of the theatre market, which cannot be seen only in the light of patronage. Da Ponte’s career contrasts survival strategies through a shift in professional and social status that proceeds from geographical mobility. His story is to be understood in terms of rhythms rather than mobility, often brutal and unexpected. The chapter also reconsiders the concept of circulation from a social perspective.

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