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This paper engages in a comparative analysis of networks amongst social and political actors within two specific issue-fields of British politics, namely, asylum and unemployment. In so doing, the paper aims to develop a series of arguments which draw on and cut across several sociological paths of inquiry on collective action, social movements, networks, civil society, and policy process. My analysis will start with the discussion of the relationship between social actors (movements, non-governmental organisations and voluntary groups) that make demands for other constituencies rather than themselves on the one hand, and policy-makers, political parties, and civil society groups and organisations on the other hand. This debate has so far relied on relatively few empirical accounts that are informed by original comparative data [Statham, 2001], and has received limited attention by scholars of social movements and collective action, who have focused in general on instances of collective action where the beneficiary of the political goal does not differ from the constituency group that mobilises [Giugni and Passy, 2001; Passy, 1998]. Indeed, this specific ‘altruistic’ relationship between beneficiary and constituency groups within the two selected issue-fields of asylum and unemployment provides one of the main conceptual and methodological foundations for their comparison.

Cet article applique une démarche structurelle à l'examen de la continuité et discontinuité entre ‘ancienne’ contestation urbaine et ‘nouvelle’ contestation environnementale, dégageant ainsi un espace qui permet d'analyser le lien entre diverses mobilisations en Irlande du Nord. Il suggère notamment que la ‘nouveauté’ et l'intensité des défis lancés par les mouvements sociaux peuvent s'évaluer en termes de capacitéà favoriser participation et coopération entre les pôles opposés de clivages établis, en particulier si l'on s'intéresse aux contextes socio-politiques polarisés. Deux mobilisations sont approfondies. D'une part, la première manifestation du Westlink dans les années 1970 ne résultait pas d'un mouvement social intégré, mais plutôt d'une coalition hétérogène et pragmatique d'acteurs politiques et urbains, laquelle n'a jamais reçu le soutien d'organismes officiels de protection de l'environnement et s'est rapidement divisée en suivant la fracture nationale religieuse. D'autre part, la campagne actuelle du Westlink est le produit d'un réseau cohérent, qui transcende les nombreux clivages socio-politiques d'Irlande du Nord, reliant groupes locaux, urbains et communautés, organismes de protection et de défense de l'environnement, associations, universités, acteurs et partis politiques, tous d'identités nationales et religieuses différentes. Ces deux schémas de mobilisation sont ensuite repris en tant que variables dépendantes, et explicitées à partir des théories sur la mobilisation des ressources, les nouveaux mouvements sociaux, les cadres et la structure politique des opportunités.

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This article has no abstract.

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A major environmental campaign currently in progress in Northern Ireland opposes a £40 million road development scheme, which foresees the upgrading of the ‘M1/Westlink corridor’ by building flyovers and extra lanes. This profile tackles the complex task of mapping and analysing both the significant links amongst the actors which have mobilised, and their systems of alliance. The main focus of my argument, therefore, is on the pattern of social relations that have been developing through overlapping memberships and alliances amongst groups participating in the Westlink campaign. Indeed, some political scientists consider the analysis of development and consolidation of social networks (upon which a movement is based) as an alternative and more significant instrument for assessing the novelty (and the real strength) of social movements’ challenges to dominant actors in contemporary societies. Under this perspective, social movements are networks linking a multiplicity of actors (individuals, groups and formal organisations) [Diani, 1992], which are to be evaluated through a detailed appraisal of the broader social context within which they develop [Diani, 2001] (...).

Sous la direction de RECCHI Ettore, FAVELL Adrian Publié en 2019-02
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[résumé éditeur] Drawing on unique research and rich data on cross-border practices, this book offers an empirically-based view on Europeans’ interconnections in everyday life. It looks at the ways in which EU residents have been getting closer across national frontiers: in their everyday experiences of foreign countries – work, travel, personal networks – but also their knowledge, consumption of foreign products, and attitudes towards foreign culture. These evolving European dimensions have been enabled by the EU-backed legal opening to transnational economic and cultural transactions, while also differing according to national contexts. The book considers how people reconcile their increasing cross-border interconnections and a politically separating Europe of nation states and national interests.