Co-auteur
  • CREEL Jérôme (21)
  • GAFFARD Jean-Luc (18)
  • FITOUSSI Jean-Paul (15)
  • HUBERT Paul (8)
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Type de Document
  • Article (42)
  • Working paper (31)
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In the standard representation of technology, productivity is built into the production function as a given relationship between inputs and output. This representation needs an equilibrium framework, in which the ratios between the factors and output are constant and corresponding to those dictated by the production function coefficients. In this framework, technological advances should be instantaneously mapped into increases in productivity, and the only way to explain the ‘productivity paradox’ is to assume adoption delays. We propose a different approach, by which productivity is the outcome of an out-of-equilibrium process triggered by a technological shock. The potential gains of a superior technology may only be appropriated if agents succeed in reshaping the productive capacity (whose distinguishing feature is to be temporally articulated), and in recovering the intertemporal coordination disrupted by the introduction of the new technique. Physical, human, and financial capital are complementary in this process of reshaping, and may constrain each other. The outcome of the disequilibrium process depends then on the interaction of accumulation choices, learning, and money supply rules. We argue that the different performances of the US and Europe in the last two decades may be explained along these lines.

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This paper describes the out-of-equilibrium approach to the analysis of economic processes. We argue that such an approach is adapted to study qualitative (or structural) changes, like technical progress or changes in preferences. Truly sequential analyses manage to capture the essential features of qualitative change. In particular, we show how this approach shifts the focus from the issue of optimality to the one of viability of the processes of change. The objective of the paper is, first, to highlight the analytical elements of an out-of-equilibrium approach, so as to serve as a guide for the construction of this type of models; second to show, how this analysis allows to see controversial phenomena, like for example the debate on wage rigidity or the productivity paradox in a new and different light ; third to identify the real causes of the on-going crisis.

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Il en est du commerce international comme du progrès technique : de faibles performances en matière de croissance et d’emploi, quand elles surviennent, lui sont facilement attribuées. Cet article rappelle que l’ouverture au commerce international, comme le progrès technique, crée l’opportunité de mieux allouer les ressources et de créer des richesses supplémentaires. La réalisation de cette opportunité dépend néanmoins largement des conditions qui président à la transition ainsi engagée. Ce serait une erreur de considérer que les avantages de l’ouverture au commerce international peuvent automatiquement être obtenus sans heurts ni conflits. La théorie du commerce international enseigne qu’il peut exister un conflit de répartition qui fait que les gains à l’échange ne profitent pas à tous dans un même pays. Des inégalités se forment et des catégories sociales entières enregistrent des pertes qu’il est difficile de compenser. Par ailleurs, des conflits peuvent aussi se produire entre nations. Si un progrès technique différencié met en cause l’avantage comparatif précédemment détenu par l’un des partenaires, ce que gagne l’un, l’autre le perd, alors même que le revenu mondial augmente. Toutefois, les écarts de performance évoluent sans cesse. Les spécialisations induites par des hétérogénéités en termes de coût de production ou de transport et d’externalités créent inévitablement des différentiels de croissance qui font que certains pays progressent plus vite que d’autres. Ces différentiels entretiennent un rapport ambigu avec le degré d’ouverture à l’échange international. La raison en est claire. Les conditions de l’ouverture comptent davantage que l’ouverture elle-même. Aussi est-il essentiel de connaître les conditions dans lesquelles nations et firmes s’adaptent à un changement intervenu dans le degré d’ouverture au commerce international.

in Journal of Evolutionary Economics Publié en 2008-10
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The paper studies the dynamics of firm size in a repeated Cournot game with unknown demand function. We model the firm as a type of artificial neural network. Each period it must learn to map environmental signals to both a demand parameter and its rival’s output choice. However, this learning game is in the background, as we focus on the endogenous adjustment of network size. We investigate the long-run evolution of firm/network size as a function of profits, rival’s size, and the type of adjustment rules used.

We investigate the general equilibrium effects of minimum consumption constraints over labor supply decisions. Within a simple static model, a minimum consumption constraint modifies labor supply decisions of unskilled workers, generating the well-known added worker effect. The results of the model help to analyze the Turkish labor market where added worker effects were observed following the 2001 crisis. We investigate the asymmetric effects of the crisis, using the Household Budget Surveys that cover the period between 2002 and 2005. The substantial decrease in real wages has increased labor supply for unskilled labor, especially for women.

The Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) institutions are consistent with a New Consensus that emerged in the 1980s, limiting the role for macroeconomic (particularly fiscal) policy to short term stabilizations by means of rules. I will argue that the policy inertia induced by the Consensus may have played a role in the disappointing performance of EMU economies even before the crisis. The crisis of the Consensus, and the debate on secular stagnation, proved that Keynesian (and possibly) persistent excesses of savings over investment may hamper growth. This has put fiscal policy back to the center of the scene, and given the General Theory, at eighty, a second youth. I will argue therefore that the EMU fiscal rule should be amended to allow semi-permanent negative government savings. I will finally argue that a modified Golden Rule may serve this objective, and allow EU-wide policy coordination. This seems the only reasonable reform with some chances of being adopted by the EU divided policy makers.

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Dans cet article nous effectuons un exercice quantitatif simple permettant d’évaluer l’impact du plan Juncker au sein de la zone euro et sa capacité à faire sortir les économies européennes de la situation de trappe à liquidités dans laquelle elles sont à présent. Nous estimons un modèle d’équilibre général inter-temporel et stochastique (DSGE) de l’économie à partir de données agrégées sur la zone euro, dans lequel nous introduisons l’existence de capital public, dans l’esprit de ce qui a été proposé par Leeper et al. (2010). Nous simulons alors un plan d’investissement avec une composante publique et une composante privée, reproduisant l’effet de levier privé attendu dans le plan Juncker.

By means of a macroeconomic model with an agent-based household sector and a stockflow consistent structure, we analyse the im-pact of rising income inequality on the likelihood of a crisis for different institutional settings. In particular, we study how economic crises emerge in the presence of different credit conditions and policy reactions to rising income disparities. Our simulations show the relevance of the degree of financialisation of an economy. In fact, when inequality grows, a Scylla and Charybdis kind of dilemma seems to arise: on the one hand, low credit availability implies a drop in aggregate demand and output; on the other hand, relaxed credit constraints and a higher willingness to lend result in greater financial instability and a debt-driven boom and bust cycle. We also point out that policy reactions play a key role: a real structural reform that tackles inequality, by means of a more progressive tax system, actually compensates for the rise in income disparities thereby stabilising the economy. Results also show that this is a better solution compared to a stronger fiscalpolicy reaction, which, instead, only leads to a larger duration of the boom and bust cycle.

This paper aims at giving a theoretical background to the, some- times observed, puzzling inverse correlation between the degree of de- centralization and economic growth. We provide evidence that there is some interaction between decentralization and corruption in ex- plaining growth. Within an endogenous growth model, we analyze the problem of a benevolent central government trying to determine the optimal degree of fiscal decentralization. Specifically, it can pro- duce a public good directly, but inefficiently, or it can delegate some (or all) of the production to more efficient local bureaucrats. In the latter case, however, some resources will be wasted because of corrup- tion and the costs linked to monitoring expenditures. With respect to the benchmark case, then, the possibility of corruption yields both a distorted allocation of resources (insufficient decentralization) and an overall under provision of the public good.

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The Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) institutions are consistent with a New Consensus that emerged in the 1980s, limiting the role for macroeconomic policy to short term stabilizations by means of rules. I will argue that the policy inertia induced by the Consensus may have played a role in the disappointing performance of EMU economies even before the crisis. The crisis of the Consensus, and the debate on secular stagnation, proved that Keynesian and possibly persistent excesses of savings over investment may hamper growth. This has put fiscal policy back to the center of the scene, and given the General Theory, at eighty, a second youth. I will argue therefore that the EMU fiscal rule should be amended to allow semi-permanent negative government savings. I will finally argue that a modified Golden Rule may serve this objective, and allow EU-wide policy coordination. This seems the only reasonable reform with some chances of being adopted by the EU divided policy makers.

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