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De nombreuses recherches ont montré l’existence de désavantages en emploi pour les personnes handicapées par rapport aux personnes sans handicap. En revanche, la façon dont ces disparités se déclinent au sein de la population handicapée a peu été explorée. Cette recherche exploite la vague 2011 de l’Enquête Emploi en Continu et son module ad-hoc Insertion professionnelle des personnes handicapées pour quantifier les inégalités (pré)professionnelles rencontrées par des personnes ayant grandi avec des handicaps, en distinguant les situations des personnes selon la nature de leurs limitations (motrices, visuelles, auditives, cognitives, multiples) et de leurs problèmes de santé (maladies chroniques, troubles psychiques). Le déploiement des inégalités au fil du cycle de vie est appréhendé par l’examen d’indicateurs successifs : niveau d’études, inactivité, forme d’inoccupation, niveau professionnel, niveau de revenus du travail. Des régressions logistiques dégagent des effets-propres des types de handicap, avant et après introduction de différentes variables de contrôle (déterminants socio-démographiques, expérience scolaire, accomplissements antérieurs dans le parcours). Des parcours contrastés se dessinent, avec, à un extrême, la survenue précoce de forts désavantages pour les personnes avec des limitations cognitives, à l’autre extrême, une nette amplification des écarts après l’entrée sur le marché du travail pour les personnes avec des limitations visuelles ou motrices, et entre ces deux pôles, des profils intermédiaires pour les personnes avec des limitations physiques multiples, des troubles psychiques ou des maladies chroniques. Le niveau absolu de désavantage est plus faible pour les personnes avec des limitations auditives ou avec des limitations de degré modéré. Plusieurs pistes sont avancées pour interpréter ces variations ; certaines hypothèses sont spécifiques aux sous-populations handicapées, d’autres identifient des ressorts inégalitaires communs.

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Care economy refers to the sector of economic activities, both paid and unpaid, related to the provisions of social and material care, which contribute to nurturing and supporting the present and future populations. Broadly, it includes direct and indirect care of children, the elderly and the disabled, health care, education, and as well, financial and other personal and domestic services aimed at supporting and enhancing individual well-being. Although largely invisible and scarcely accounted in national account systems, such as GDP, care and care work is increasingly recognized as essential for the maintenance of capability and well-being of individuals, and for the functioning of society and the economy. In almost all high- and middle-income countries the combination of the shift from an industrial/manufacturing to a service-based economy and the steady socio-demographic changes over the last several decades have made care economy an increasingly relevant social, economic and political issue today. Yet, despite growing awareness, the concept of the care economy remains ambiguous and the research on the topic germinal. The objectives of this paper are to: 1) trace and elucidate the ideas around the care economy; 2) analyze key concepts and debates around the idea of the care economy that may contribute to future research; and 3) discuss a potential research and policy agenda for understanding care economies today. I draw mostly from feminist research within the fields of social policy and welfare states, economy, sociology and political economy, highlighting some of the key debates and areas of convergence.

Publié en 2013-03
LISE Jeremy
MEGHIR Costas
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We develop an empirical search-matching model with productivity shocks so as to analyze policy interventions in a labor market with heterogeneous agents. To achieve this we develop an equilibrium model of wage determination and employment, which is consistent with key empirical facts. As such our model extends the current literature on equilibrium wage determination with matching and provides a bridge between some of the most prominent macro models and microeconometric research. The model incorporates long-term contracts, on-the-job search and counter-offers, and a vacancy creation and destruction process linked to productivity shocks. Importantly, the model allows for the possibility of assortative matching between workers and jobs, a feature that had been ruled out by assumption in the empirical equilibrium search literature to date. We use the model to estimate the potential gain from an optimal unemployment insurance scheme, as well as the redistributive effects of such a policy

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We study how departments’ characteristics impact academics’ quantity and quality of publications in economics. Individual time-varying characteristics and individual fixed-effects are controlled for. Departments’ characteristics have an explanatory power at least equal to a fourth of that of individual characteristics and possibly as high as theirs. An academic’s quantity and quality of publications in a field increase with the presence of other academics specialised in that field and with the share of the field’s output in the department. By contrast, department’s size, proximity to other large departments, homogeneity in terms of publication performance, presence of colleagues with connections abroad, and composition in terms of positions and age matter at least for some publication measures but only when individual fixed effects are not controlled for. This suggests a role for individual positive sorting where these characteristics only attract more able academics. A residual negative sorting between individuals’ and departments’ unobserved characteristics is simultaneously exhibited.

Publié en 2018-02
GRAZIANO Paolo Roberto
JESSOULA Matteo
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The aim of this paper is to provide a first sketch of an analytical framework which could be used for the comparative analysis of wel-fare state developments, under the form of emergence, consolidation, expansion and reform. We shall do so inspired by Flora and Hei-denheimer’s (1981) seminal work on the development of the welfare state, and more specifically we shall depart from the ‘sequencing’ which is provided at the end of the book in the contribution by Hugh Heclo (“Towards a New Welfare State?”) which differentiates the ‘stages of welfarism’ in four phases: experimentation, consolidation, expansion, reformulation based on the analysis of political and eco-nomic events (Heclo, 1981: 386-387). Furthermore, we will also use Flora’s ‘macro-constellation’ of factors in proposing an analytical framework which will be used also for comparative purposes. The article is organised as follows: section 2 traces the main similarities and differences with respect to welfare state developments in Western Eu-rope and Latin America; section 3 critically discusses the most relevant theories of welfare state developments used for the analysis of welfare state developments in the two continents; section 4 discusses the results of our review and presents the analytical framework which should allow us to better understand – from a theoretical perspective – the evolution of welfare states in the two continents under scrutiny, and beyond.

Publié en 2016-11
KNUTSEN Carl Henrik
DAHLUM Sirianne
WIG Tore
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Different theories of the origins of democracy propose that collective action by particular urban social groups spur democratization. But, recent large n studies on mass opposition movements and democratization notwithstanding, systematic and direct large n evidence on this ismissing. We further develop the argument that both industrial worker and urban middle class movements are conducive to democratization, albeit for slightly different reasons. We thereafter conduct the first large n empirical study of its kind on this issue. To this end, we collect new data on social composition of anti regime opposition movements, globally, for 1900 to 2012. Results clearly show that movements dominated by one of the two urban groups are associated with increased democratization prospects, both when compared to other movements and to situations without any organized mass opposition movement. We conduct various tests to assess sensitivity to, e.g., measurement strategy, geographic and temporal scope, model specification, and to accounting for the endogeneity of opposition campaigns. The relationship between industrial worker campaigns and democratization is particularly robust, but there is also evidence that middle class campaigns matter. Further tests suggest that these campaigns, as expected, relate more strongly to democratization in urban than in rural societies.

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Population ageing will be a major challenge in Europe in the coming decades. This phenomenon will raise the question of the sustainability of public spending with increasing healthcare provision costs. This paper presents a dynamic micro-‐simulation model for outpatient healthcare expenditure in France, which projects healthcare costs in the long run. Like all the dynamic micro-‐simulation models, the model projects the population structure over time. The projections are run using a transition process between three states: two non-‐absorbing (good-‐health or ill-‐health) and one absorbing state (death). The outpatient healthcare expenditure is estimated on data between 2002 and 2008 through a two-‐part model. While healthcare spending of 25 years old and more represent 3.9% of GDP in 2008, they would reach 4.6% in the baseline scenario in 2032 (+0.7 percentage point of GDP or +17.5%). A difference in the share of expenditure in GDP appears between scenarios with different evolutions of health status during the projection period. Outpatient healthcare spending represents 4.6% of GDP in the central scenario in 2032, against 4.4 % in the most optimistic scenario and 4.7% in a pessimistic scenario.

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A la veille de la vingt-cinquième révision constitutionnelle, cette note propose un état des lieux des rapports entre le Parlement et l’évaluation. Alors que le renforcement de la fonction évaluative du Parlement est devenu un leitmotiv du discours politique, l’évaluation peine à s’institutionnaliser. Si la réforme constitutionnelle de 2008 a fait du Parlement un acteur à part entière de l’évaluation, celle-ci demeure néanmoins encore très embryonnaire. La note passe en revue les différentes initiatives parlementaires en matière d’évaluation menées depuis trente ans, avant d’envisager les enjeux politiques et démocratiques qu’elles recouvrent.

Publié en 2014-05
ICHINO Andrea
SCHWERDT Guido
WINTER-EBMER Rudolf
ZWEIMÜLLER Josef
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We study whether employment prospects of old and young workers differ after a plant closure. Using Austrian administrative data, we show that old and young workers face similar displacement costs in terms of employment in the long-run, but old workers lose considerably more initially and gain later. We interpret these findings using a search model with retirement as an absorbing state, that we calibrate to match the observed patterns. Our finding is that the dynamics of relative employment losses of old versus young workers after a displacement are mainly explained by different opportunities of transition into retirement. In contrast, differences in layoff rates and job offer arrival rates cannot explain these patterns. Our results support the idea that retirement incentives, more than weak labor demand, are responsible for the low employment rates of older workers.

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This paper examines the relationship between parents’ access to family planning and the economic resources of the average child. Using the county-level introduction of U.S. family planning programs between 1964 and 1973, we find that children born after programs began had 2.5% higher household incomes. They were also 7% less likely to live in poverty and 11% less likely to live in households receiving public assistance. Even with extreme assumptions about selection, these estimates are large enough to imply that family planning programs directly increased children’s resources, including increases in mothers’ paid work and increased childbearing within marriage.

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This paper investigates how European countries have responded to the issue of irregular migrant labor in recent decades. The European Union has declared that jobs in shadow economies are a major pull for undocumented migrants, and since the 1990s, a number of individual states and the EU have ramped up efforts to combat irregular migrant work. This paper charts and characterizes trends in these policy initiatives over time, and across countries, in an effort to un-derstand both how states concretely go about trying to control irregular migration, and to shed light on the political economy of labor migration. I argue that European integration and asylum crises help explain the common trend toward hardening labor market controls, as well as the growing EU emphasis on the issue. Cross-national differences remain, however, in the level of effort expended on rooting out and repressing irregular migrant work; these differences reflect varying political dynamics over shadow economies and the institutionalized power of economic interest groups.

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La structure plus ou moins progressive des prélèvements obligatoires affecte-t-elle la demande politique de protection sociale ? Cet article aborde cette question, pour la première fois dans une perspective longitudinale. A l’aide d’un baromètre d’opinion reconduit en France sur 13 vagues successives, nous cherchons à déterminer si la forte montée en progressivité du financement de la sécurité sociale s’est accompagnée d’une divergence des préférences selon le revenu des ménages. Nos résultats confirment une relation positive entre augmentation de la progressivité des cotisations sociales, liée aux politiques d’exonérations sur les bas salaires, et une bipolarisation du soutien politique aux prélèvements sociaux et aux prestations de sécurité sociale.

This article estimates the elasticity of participation in the workforce of married women with respect to the rate of income tax. We take advantage of the French joint income tax system and a large tax returns data base to implement a regression discontinuity design. The negative impact of tax rates on participation is generally strong. This elasticity describes a U-curve along the distribution of income per consumption unit. Participation is more elastic at the lower end of the income distribution. Participation elasticity increases with the wife's age and the age difference between the spouses. It is even greater when the husband is retired. An increase of this elasticity occurs after the third child and subsequent but not for the two first children. When these two first children are young, the elasticity of their mother is even lower.

We use a combination of ex-ante and ex-post evaluation methods to evaluate a major welfare policy implemented in France in 1989. The policy granted an allowance (the Revenu Minimum d'Insertion, RMI, of up to 45% of the French full time minimum wage) to every individual above age 25 and below a threshold household income. The ex-post evaluation relies on the specificity of the Eastern part of France. In Alsace-Moselle, since 1908 and during German occupancy, residents benefited from a very similar transfer system (called “Aide Sociale”). Our estimates, based on double and triple differences, show that the RMI policy was associated with: a 3% fall in employment (among unskilled workers 25-55 years old) , leading to an estimated loss of 328 000 jobs; a decline in the job-access rate; and a 5-month increase in the average duration of unemployment. We find considerably larger disincentive effects for single parents. In a second step, we build and calibrate a matching model with endogenous job search effort, using the difference-in-differences estimates. It predicts that, if a 38% implicit tax rate had been maintained as in the 2007 reform (RSA), instead of a 100% implicit tax rate due to the RMI, the increase in unemployment would have been approximately half of its actual value, and the increase in the duration of unemployment would have been limited to only 2.5 months.

Dans cette contribution, nous essaierons de répondre à la question : quelle est la nécessité d’éclairages multiples sur les politiques publiques par différentes disciplines au sein des sciences humaines, c'est-à-dire l'interdisciplinarité ? Faut-il aller jusqu’à un effacement des frontières disciplinaires dans le cas de la transdisciplinarité? Cette question doit être posée car, s’il existe d’une part une littérature assez vaste sur l’évaluation et l’interdisciplinarité en dehors de la science économique, et d’autre part des méthodologies d’évaluation depuis longtemps développées au sein de la science économique, la science économique ne s’est pas réellement emparée de cette question de l'interdisciplinarité: elle semble déjà avoir suffisamment à faire avec la résolution des débats entre expériences contrôlées et estimations de modèles structurels.

Fondée sur un travail de sociologie historique des institutions dédiées à la promotion de la cause des femmes dans l’Etat en France et au Québec, cette contribution s’intéresse aux instruments d’action publique dans lesquels se sont matérialisées les politiques d’égalité dans leurs deux premières décennies (1970-1990). Les dispositifs d’information juridique et de communication sont plus spécifiquement étudiés en tant que révélateurs de deux caractéristiques essentielles des politiques d’égalité, analysées ici en termes de politique des droits (l’information juridique entendant faciliter l’accès aux droits et l’effectivité de ces derniers) et de politique des symboles (par une manipulation de symboles, et notamment d’images, visant à favoriser une transformation du statut social des femmes).

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Tax expenditures are widely used by French governments as employment and social policies. Such programmes together amounted to more than 1.3 points of GDP in 2011. Thanks to a systematic review of academic policy evaluations, we assess the efficiency of the different parts of such policies, showing that at least €6 billion is used for policies whose cost is greater than €62,500 per year and job created, and €0.5 billion for policies whose cost is greater than €160,000 per year and job created. We examine the replacement of these tax expenditures by direct public funding for (publicly or pri-vately delivered) “quality” jobs addressing specific social needs. We discuss the conditions under which at least comparable employment performances could be achieved (factoring in the crowding out of privately funded jobs and the properties of created jobs in terms of the service provided or the characteristics of suppliers and consum-ers) as well as any positive economic and social externalities.

La France est l’un des pays où les politiques d’exemptions fiscales et d’exonérations de cotisations sociales sont les plus développées. Le coût budgétaire des dispositifs mis en place dans le seul domaine de la protection sociale et de l’emploi dépasse les 90 milliards d’euros (hors CICE). Après un examen systématique des travaux universitaires sur ces politiques, nous évaluons l’efficacité de deux de ces programmes, parmi les plus coûteux et les mieux connus, visant spécifiquement à faire baisser le coût du travail des emplois peu qualifiés. Sur les 27 milliards consacrés aux exonérations générales de cotisations employeur et aux dispositifs concernant l’emploi de salariés à domicile, plus de 6 milliards d’euros sont consacrés à des poli-tiques dont le coût est supérieur à 62 500 € par an et par emploi créé, dont 1,9 milliard d’euros à des politiques dont le coût est supérieur à 160 000 € par an et par emploi créé. Nous examinons la possibilité de remplacer une partie de ces dépenses fiscales par le financement direct par l’État d’emplois « de qualité » (publics ou privés) répondant à des besoins sociaux spécifiques. Nous examinons les conditions dans lesquelles des résultats au moins comparables en termes d’emploi (ainsi que d’éventuelles externalités positives économiques ou sociales) pourraient être obtenus par une telle politique. Nous montrons que le basculement du budget actuellement consacré à la part la moins efficace des dépenses fiscales (celles qui visent les plus hauts salaires ou les ménages aux revenus les plus élevés) vers le financement public des services sociaux n’aurait pas d’effet néfaste pour l’emploi à court terme. Nous tenons compte du risque d’éviction d’emplois privés par la subvention publique ainsi que des caractéristiques propres aux emplois du secteur des services sociaux.

Cet article explore la diversité des configurations locales du parc de logements locatifs sociaux. Nous réalisons une analyse quantitative et descriptive en nous intéressant aux caractéristiques des logements, au profil des locataires, aux dynamiques récentes de production et aux configurations d’acteurs intervenant dans leur gestion. Nous utilisons principalement les données du Répertoire du Parc Locatif Social (SOeS, 2013) et du Recensement de la population (Insee, 2013) pour construire une typologie des communes de l’unité urbaine de Paris. Notre approche localisée et systématique de l’offre de logement social fait ressortir dix types de parcs sociaux. Elle montre d’abord que le logement social n’est pas un habitat uniforme et n’accueille pas une population homogène. Outre les contrastes liés aux caractéristiques des logements, largement hérités des politiques passées (1960-1970), il ressort que la diversité actuelle des parcs sociaux tient aux types d’acteurs impliqués dans leur construction et dans la sélection des locataires. La pluralité de leurs objectifs, de leurs intérêts et de leurs pratiques alimente de forts contrastes dans la mobilisation de cet habitat à l’échelle locale, et ce même si les politiques du logement restent fortement centralisées en France

We evaluate the impact of reimbursement rates on health expenditures, using a natural experiment. For historical reasons, reimbursement rates of public health insurance are higher in the French region Alsace Moselle than in other French regions. For both systems, affiliation is compulsory. Individuals moving between Alsace-Moselle and the rest of France undergo an exogenous change in reimbursement rates. We use a difference-in-difference method on a panel datasets of individuals. Our treatment group consists of individuals changing systems, our control group consists of individuals who move between other French regions. We study the impact of reimbursement rates on a broad range of health care expenditures: for dentist and doctor visits, drug consumption, and sickness absenteeism. We find heterogeneous impacts of reimbursement rates on those items. Overall, higher public reimbursement rates do not lead to an increase in spending for medical care.

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Even under the direst necessity, Indian households do not seem to spend their budget in a rational of survival: households from lower castes choose to consume less food and more visible items than similar households from high castes, and this difference is stronger for the poor. Using variations in upper caste wealth across regions, we show that disadvantaged castes substitute visible consumption for food when upper castes are relatively richer. In regions where Upper Castes are twice richer, low caste households spend up to 8% more on visible and similarly less on food. For households under $2 dollars a day, it corresponds to a daily budget reallocation of 15 dollar cents. We argue that consumption choices can be partly explained by a preference for status, which depends on inequality between caste groups. Importantly, preferences are upward-looking between castes: the high caste is society’s reference group, and households outside of the caste system are not affected by it. Our results are not driven by general equilibrium effects on prices and no similar effect is observed on other expenditures. They underline the relevance of caste-targeted policies in the process of development.

Publié en 2016-02
TOUZET Chloé
ZEMMOUR Michaël
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Since the 1990s, welfare state reform has been at the core of much of the welfare state research. From an analysis of reform pressures, to an understanding of welfare state resilience, to a focus on reform trajectories, the literature has highlighted the role of politics, of institutions and of ideas in understanding processes and trajectories of reform. This paper aims to contribute to the literature on welfare state reform through a different angle, by analysing reform processes through the development of specific policy instruments, namely tax expenditures for social purposes (hereafter called social tax expenditures, or STEs), which has remained a blind spot in much of the welfare state literature.

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While there is a growing body of literature dealing with the development of migrant domestic work in Western countries, so far there has been very little attention paid to the development of formal domestic services as an economic activity actively structured through public policy. Yet the development of the domestic services sector in Europe is part of a specific political and economic strategy, which has been actively promoted by national governments and national lobby groups, but also by the European Commission since the 1990s, so that it seems warranted to speak of a new ‘political economy of domestic work’. The aim of this paper is to analyse the rationale behind this public intervention in favour of the development of domestic services, to highlight the economic, political and social issues it raises and to see how the policies implemented interact with existing welfare / care systems, employment regimes, and prevailing gender and social norms. This paper does so through an analysis of the policy discourse at the EU level, and a comparison of the policies implemented and their consequences in France and Sweden. The choice of these two countries is guided by the fact that while they represent very contrasted social models, France and Sweden are the two countries that have gone furthest in terms of the support provided to domestic services, and they have done so through the introduction of a same policy instrument, namely a 50 % tax reduction on domestic services. We suggest that the uncovering of similar trends in the logic and modes of public intervention and in the social, economic and political consequences of this public intervention in two strongly contrasted national models could be revealing of more global trends in Europe, linked to more profound transformations of welfare states, of labour markets, and of societies more generally.

Publié en 2013-03
CAMPANTE Filipe R.
GUIMARAES Bernardo
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Motivated by a novel stylized fact - countries with isolated capital cities display worse quality of governance - we provide a framework of endogenous institutional choice based on the idea that elites are constrained by the threat of rebellion, and that this threat is rendered less elective by distance from the seat of political power. In established democracies, the threat of insurgencies is not a binding constraint, and the model predicts no correlation between isolated capitals and misgovernance. In contrast, a correlation emerges in equilibrium in the case of autocracies. Causality runs both ways: broader power sharing (associated with better governance) means that any rents have to be shared more broadly, hence the elite has less of an incentive to protect its position by isolating the capital city; conversely, a more isolated capital city allows the elite to appropriate a larger share of output, so the costs of better governance for the elite, in terms of rents that would have to be shared, are larger. We show evidence that this pattern holds true robustly in the data. We also show that isolated capitals are associated with less power sharing, a larger income premium enjoyed by capital city inhabitants, and lower levels of military spending by ruling elites, as predicted by the theory.

We show that isolated capital cities are robustly associated with greater levels of corruption across US states, in line with the view that this isolation reduces accountability, and in contrast with the alternative hypothesis that it might forestall political capture. We then provide direct evidence that the spatial distribution of population relative to the capital affects different accountability mechanisms over state politics: newspaper coverage, voter knowledge and information, and turnout. We also find evidence against the capture hypothesis: isolated capitals are associated with more money in state-level campaigns. Finally, we show that isolation is linked with worse public good provision.

Fairness issues are quite widespread in educational research. However, despite the large number of empirical studies on this topic, few question the precise way in which equality is defined and assessed. That is especially true with regards to access to higher education. In most empirical studies, it seems straightforward to consider fair any situation in which the rates of access to both higher education in general as well as to the most desirable tracks are equal irrespective of students’ personal characteristics (gender, social background, etc.) (...).

Les « journées portes ouvertes » (JPO) des institutions d’enseignement supérieur (IES) sont présentées par leurs organisateurs et par les divers prescripteurs intervenant auprès des futurs étudiants comme des occasions pour ces derniers de découvrir les offres de formation de différentes IES, de s'informer sur l'organisation des études, leur coût ou leurs débouchés professionnels ainsi que de demander des conseils concernant les procédures d'admission ou les attentes du corps professoral. Ces journées sont néanmoins aussi le lieu où prend place un processus social d'« appariement statutaire » (status matching) (Podolny, 1993) des établissements et des futurs usagers. [Premier praragraphe du working paper]

The paper claims forecasting is a process during which forecasts are regularly updates and revised. Paying attention to the dynamics of expectations provides the opportunity to study changes in expectations formed by professionals, and thus give insights into how their labor unfolds. Drawing upon data from a purposely-built database of forecasts running from Sep-tember 2006 to September 2017, linear and logistic regression models investigate the infor-mational and organizational grounds of forecasts revisions. It it suggests that similar forecasts form a consistent sequence, so that revisions mostly consist in the adjustments of ‘old’ fore-casts with respect to newly available information. By and large, forecasting means updating former forecasts. Besides, data shows the core activity of forecasting organizations, and in turn their audience, matter to understand the extent to which they revise their forecasts: de-spite what forecasters claim in interviews, public institutions, among which the IMF or the OECD, tend to revise their forecasts on a wider scale than private banks or insurance com-panies. Eventually, scrutinizing how forecasts revisions distribute according to the years dur-ing which they are produced, stress that during major economic crises, such as the Great Recession, forecasters not only revise their former expectations downward but also upward. This hints at a Durkheim-inspired interpretation of economic crises as re-opening the future.

The principal component of a European social model was considered to be convergence of social outcomes toward the top. However, the latest economic and social trends are no longer characterized by a steady narrowing of the gap between the more and lesser advanced countries. While all European countries were affected by the economic crisis of 2008 and a coordinated response was put into place in 2009, since 2010, we see a growing divergence between two groups of countries in Europe. The first group, mainly in the North of Europe, concentrated around Germany, Austria, the Nordic countries, along with certain Eastern European countries having close economic ties to Germany, has steadily emerged from the crisis and resumed a positive economic and social path. The second group, however, comprised mainly of the Southern and Eastern periphery, remains stuck in negative economic and social situations following the crisis. This chapter demonstrates the initial economic convergence, followed by a stark divergence in certain economic and social outcomes after the crisis of 2008. It reviews the various explanations for these divergences. Finally, it considers the political outcomes of this economic and social dualization. We argue that despite the seemingly uniform rise of populist anti-EU challengers across Europe, these challengers differ significantly in the grievances they raise. Radical right parties are dominant in the center, while radical left parties outperform the radical right in the periphery, a dynamic that constitutes a second, political, dualization of Europe.

Access to housing is difficult for minorities in France. An audit study we run in the Paris area showed that minority applicants do not face a strong disadvantage in the first step of the application; however, the fact that applicants come from a deprived area leads to more frequent unfavorable outcome (we call this residential discrimination as opposed to ethnic discrimination). The puzzle and paradox come from the fact that face-to-face interviews with real-estate agents in the city of Paris and the Parisian region DO NOT confirm this result. If anything, all discrimi-nation arise from ethnicity and agents dis-miss residential discrimination. Our paper, forthcoming in Urban Studies, documents this contrast between quantitative and qualitative methods and proposes interpretations.

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