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Publié en 2021-09 Collection LIEPP Working Paper : 123
BROWN Larry
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The prospect that health care markets, famously resistant to the iron laws of economics, might be "normalized" after all has attracted much attention over the last three decades. Managed competition, a strategy that spearheads this project, proposes to instill new efficiencies in health care systems, without damage to equity and solidarity, with a model that sets market forces within a framework of sophisticated rules designed to avert market failure. This paper seeks to explain why managed competition has found different degrees of favor in different health care systems by reference to cross-national distinctions in policy culture, organizational structures, and professional politics.

Publié en 2021-09 Collection LIEPP Working Paper : 124
DE SOUSA José
HOLLARD Guillaume
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Women are under-represented in top positions, such as Business, Politics and Science. The same under-representation occurs in chess, providing us with a unique opportunity to analyze this phenomenon. We find a macro gender gap in every country: there are fewer female than male players, especially at the top, and women have lower average rankings. One contribution of this paper is to link the macro gender gap to micro gender differences. Comparing millions of individual games, we find that women’s scores are about 2% lower than expected when playing a man rather than a woman with identical rating, age and country. Using a simple theoretical model, we explain how a small micro gap may affect women’s long-run capital formation. A small difference in outcomes generates a small difference in effort, and thus a lower future ranking. By reducing effort and increasing the probability of quitting, both effects accumulate to discourage women from competing for top positions.

Publié en 2021-06 Collection LIEPP Working Paper : 122
BROWN Jennifer
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Data on the labor market outcomes of university graduates show that gender pay gaps appear soon after graduation in nearly every field of study. We provide descriptive evidence of a plausible cause of the gender starting-salary gap: choices within an educational setting that differ between male and female students, even after accounting for academic specialization. We examine the choices of undergraduate students at a selective French university who are competing for seats at foreign universities to fulfill a mandatory exchange program requirement. Holding fixed students’ field of study, we find that average and high-ability female students request exchange universities that are worse-ranked than their male peers. A survey eliciting students’ preferences suggests that male students prioritize the academic characteristics of potential exchange universities more often, whereas similar female students consider both the academic and non-academic characteristics of exchange destinations. We explore the short-term consequences of these differing preferences using a simulation that assigns students to exchange seats solely on university ranking and students’ academic performance. Female students’ assignment improves almost uniformly, whereas top-performing male students face increased competition for seats and male students with average grades face less competition as high-achieving female students shift towards better-ranked assignments.

Publié en 2021-06 Collection LIEPP Working Paper : 121
ROSSIGNOL-BRUNET Mathieu
TENRET Elise
BARRAUD DE LAGERIE Pauline
SAVINA Yannick
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A partir d’une étude sur les filières en sciences humaines dans le champ de l’enseignement supérieur francilien, et en se concentrant notamment sur celles pratiquant la sélection, cet article montre la diversité et la hiérarchie interne à ces formations. Le développement des licences sélectives à l’université engendre une sélectivité socio-scolaire proche de celles d’établissements historiquement sélectifs. Ainsi, les licences sélectives de Paris 1 ont un recrutement proche de celui des classes préparatoires les plus favorisées et d’institutions comme Sciences Po ou l’université Paris-Dauphine, ce qui traduit les recompositions à l’œuvre dans le champ de l’enseignement supérieur. Pour autant, malgré des traits communs, Sciences Po, Dauphine et Paris 1 présentent des spécificités en lien avec leur spécialisation disciplinaire. Sciences Po et Paris 1 sont ainsi plus proches entre elles dans leur recrutement qu’elles ne le sont de l’université Paris Dauphine, car elles recrutent davantage d’étudiants issus des fractions culturelles des classes supérieures et moins d’élèves scientifiques. Les élèves non franciliens y sont également plus nombreux – proportionnellement – qu’ils ne le sont à Dauphine.

Publié en 2021-05 Collection LIEPP Working Paper : 120
GIVORD Pauline
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This study provides new empirical evidence of birthday effects over a range of educational and socioemotional outcomes. It relies on data from the recent cycles of the Program for International School Assessment (PISA) for six European countries. Age at entry has a significant and sizeable impact on cognitive outcomes for 15-year-old students as measured in PISA. The magnitude of the birthday effects on socioemotional skills varies, but overall the results suggest that those students who enter school relatively younger have more negative relationships with their teachers and peers at school. These students also have lower intrinsic motivation and self-esteem and have less ambitious educational expectations than their peers who entered school older.

We compare labour market protection varieties and evaluate systematically trajectories of change across 21 high-income countries over three decades. Our measures – Principal Component Analysis and a new multidimensional indicator – deal with the average production worker assumption and allow us to assess countries’ trajectories of change in relation to, and independently from, classic varieties. We find that in 1990 labour market protection varieties retrace mostly Esping-Andersen’s worlds of welfare, and in 2015 the distinction between social democratic and Christian democratic regimes vanishes, while Mediterranean and liberal countries are grouped respectively more tightly. Moreover, despite the persistent difference between Coordinated (CMEs) and Liberal Market Economies (LMEs) in their labour market protection levels, a large majority of CMEs became more similar to LMEs, after their pursuit of liberalization and dualization trajectories. At the opposite, a handful of CMEs experienced an increase in labour market protection following flexicurity, de-dualization and higher protection trajectories. To help conceptualise the space where countries move, worlds of welfare, varieties of capitalism and the ideal typical trajectories developed in the literature are used to interpret labour market liberalization patterns; however, the trajectories we identify do not always conform to classic varieties and appear more varied than previously suggested.

Sous la direction de Laboratoire interdisciplinaire d'évaluation des politiques publiques Publié en 2021-03 Collection LIEPP Working Paper : 118
DELATTE Anne-Laure
LEMOINE Benjamin
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Cette note analyse les logiques économiques et politiques des propositions concernant le traitement de la dette COVID formulées par différentes expertises, plus ou moins proches du gouvernement. Ces propositions contribuent à reconstruire un récit de la dette tout en s’inscrivant dans une logique politique conservatrice, en évacuant toute alternative budgétaire progressive. Après avoir explicité la façon dont, à travers l’histoire, le dispositif des caisses d’amortissement de la dette a été expérimenté, nous tirons les enseignements suivants : loin de se réduire à une opération cosmétique, les propositions engagent les finances publiques dans une logique disciplinaire au prix d’une possible augmentation du coût de financement de la dette. Cette décision, qui a déjà entraîné la prolongation d’un impôt régressif – la Contribution au Remboursement de la Dette Sociale, (CRDS) au cours de la crise pandémique – met toute la pression sur la baisse des dépenses publiques. Enfin, les propositions seraient de nature à freiner les réformes possibles de la gouvernance économique européenne.

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Care occupations are strongly gendered and remain relatively poorly paid, particularly in the United States. Prior research points to individual, relational, and market- valuation factors in explaining the relative earnings of care workers. In contrast, this study applies a comparative institutional perspective to investigate cross-national differences in the relative earnings of care workers. Using merged data from the U.S. Current Population Survey and EU-SILC, we find that national variance in labour market and welfare state institutions explains nearly all of the difference in the relative earnings of reproductive care workers between the U.S. and EU. Higher rates of collective bargaining coverage and welfare state spending contribute to higher relative earnings for reproductive care occupations, and lower relative earnings for high-status nurturant care occupations. Differences in the relative earnings of care workers appear to be primarily a construct of social and labour market policies.

Publié en 2020-12 Collection LIEPP Working Paper : 117
MUGELLINI Giulia
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Since the 1990s, many international institutions have gotten involved in the “fight against cor- ruption” and sought to harmonise national legislations. While a number of international con- ventions against corruption have been adopted they rely on governments’ political will to com- ply, especially in the Global North. In the absence of coercive power, international institutions have used knowledge production and the rhetoric of evidence-based policy-making to influence domestic policy-making. This paper is interested in international institutions’ use of knowledge and evidence to set the anti-corruption agenda. It questions and deconstruct what they present as evidence, showing that the meaning of the term has evolved overtime. Based on document analysis and interviews with international civil servants and NGO employees, this paper firstly comes back on the value attributed to knowledge in this policy field. It then presents what in- ternational institutions meant by evidence since the emergence of the anti-corruption agenda in the 1990s. Lastly, it critically discusses the use of knowledge and evidence, the function it plays and its effects on anti-corruption policy-making.

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Beaucoup de celles et ceux qui ont dû se déplacer pour aller travailler pendant le premier confinement, qui occupent des emplois alors dits « essentiels », ont des emplois précaires et mal payés. Comment expliquer que des fonctions aussi essentielles que celles occupées dans les infrastructures de service, les services aux autres, y compris l’éducation et la santé, soient si mal rémunérés et occupent si souvent des emplois particulièrement précaires ? Ce working paper commence par décrire succinctement les caractéristiques des emplois dits essentiels pendant la première crise du COVID et de celles (et ceux, mais ils sont moins nombreux) qui les occupent. Il retrace ensuite les séquences historiques ponctuant le développement de ces emplois. Chacune de ces séquences a contribué à la moindre protection et rémunération de ces emplois labellisés comme « non productifs » dans la littérature économique sur le marché du travail. Beaucoup des services aux autres ont d’abord été fourni de manière informelle comme tâche domestique accomplies par les femmes. Lorsque ces emplois ont été formalisés en lien avec l’entrée des femmes sur le marché du travail, ces emplois ont été conçus comme typiques de la maladie de Baumol, qui diagnostiquait une incapacité aux gains de productivité des emplois de service. Les politiques d’outsourcing des entreprises ont externalisé nombres des emplois (aujourd’hui dits essentiels) hors du cœur d’activité de l’entreprise afin d’en ré- duire le coût. Les politiques publiques des années 1990 – 2010 que l’on trouve en particulier en Europe continentale, destinées à soutenir le développement de ces emplois de services aux autres (notamment les baisse de cotisations sociales sur ces emplois), ont dans le même temps contribué à les enfermer dans une trappe à bas salaire et à moindre protection sociale. La stratégie de compétitivité mise en avant en Allemagne comme en France depuis le début des années 2000, qui pose que pour garder des prix attractifs à l’export, il convient de maintenir au plus bas les coûts ces emplois de service aux autres afin de fournir un environnement propice à la modération salariale dans les industries exportatrices. Le texte conclut sur les relations de domination que les structures du marché du travail et les politiques publiques ont mises en place dans ce que l’on appelle désormais l’économie de la connaissance.

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Occupational aspirations significantly contribute to educational inequalities according to family background and gender. Little is known, from a policy perspective, about the impact of educational interventions aimed to foster aspirations among low-SES students and female students. We attempt to fill this gap through a PRISMA systematic review of interventions assessed using counterfactual designs. A total of 11 articles encompassing 13 interventions, published between 2003 and 2020, are included in the study. Hence, only a limited number of impact assessment studies have been carried out so far, and these are mostly concentrated in the US and track only short-term impacts. These studies are classified according to the kind of levers they use: role modeling; encouragement (emotional support); practice (meeting with professionals of a given field); learning component and/or information. The review describes how each intervention combines multiple levers. A majority of these studies reported either null effects or even negative effects on the aspirations of disadvantaged students, especially among low-achieving ones. We identify two main reasons for these discouraging results. First, most of these interventions concerned high school students who had been often already formally or informally tracked. It may be important to start earlier to intervene on the aspirations and skill development processes of disadvantaged pupils. Second, most of these interventions targeting disadvantaged students rely on role models, while our results suggest that role models may be double-edged. If they appear to be effective in increasing girls' STEM aspirations, particularly when they emphasize a positive image of science careers, role models may end up discouraging low-performing or disadvantaged students, if they are perceived as too far from the students' situation, and therefore out of reach. However, some interventions do yield encouraging results for the latter population and we discuss which characteristics may have contributed to their positive impacts.

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This paper uses a difference-in-differences (DID) framework to estimate the impact of Non-Pharmaceutical Interventions (NPIs) used to fight the 1918 influenza pandemic and control the resultant mortality in 43 U.S. cities. The results suggest that NPIs such as school closures and social distancing, as implemented in 1918, and when applied for a relatively long and sustained time, might have reduced individual and herd immunity and the population general health condition, thereby leading to a significantly higher number of deaths in subsequent years.

Publié en 2020-10 Collection Sciences Po LIEPP Working Paper : 111
GIVORD Pauline
SUAREZ Milena
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This paper presents a new method that goes beyond the measurement of average value-added of schools by measuring whether schools mitigate or intensify grades dispersion among initially similar students. In practice, school value-added is estimated at different levels of final achieve- ments’ distribution by quantile regressions with school specific fixed effects. This method is applied using exhaustive data of the 2015 French high-school diploma and controlling for initial achievements and socio-economic background. Results suggest that almost one-sixth of the high schools significantly reduce, or on the contrary increase, the dispersion in final grades which were expected given the initial characteristics of their intake.

Publié en 2020-10 Collection Sciences Po LIEPP Working Paper : 113
MAXIMINO PINHEIRO Mélanie
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Ce document se veut être un support guidant les futurs projets portés par l'axe Politiques éducatives du Laboratoire Interdisciplinaire d'Evaluation des Politiques Publiques (LIEPP) autour du thème de recherche « Apprentissages et compétences socio-comportementales » chez les enfants. Ne pouvant couvrir toutes les compétences existantes et toutes leurs sous-dimensions, nous nous sommes particulièrement intéressés aux plus prédictives de la réussite académique et à celles qui pouvaient être le plus socialement biaisées. Le choix des compétences traitées s'appuie également sur les thématiques de recherche privilégiées des membres de l axe et s’inscrit dans le cadre du récent redéploiement du LIEPP en collaboration avec Université de Paris. Trois synthèses sont ainsi proposées portant respectivement sur les compétences non-cognitives (dites aussi socio- émotionnelles) telles que l'engagement, le contrôle de soi ou les compétences sociales ; les fonctions exécutives et plus particulièrement l'inhibition, la mise à jour en mémoire de travail et la flexibilité cognitive ; et enfin la métacognition.

Publié en 2020-09 Collection Sciences Po LIEPP Working paper : 110
VERTIER Paul
GAMALERIO Matteo
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Large migrant inflows have in the past spurred anti-immigrant sentiment, but is there a way small inflows can have a different impact? In this paper, we exploit the redistribution of migrants in the aftermath of the dismantling of the “Calais Jungle” in France to study the impact of the exposure to few migrants. Using an instrumental variables approach, we find that in the presence of a migrant center (CAO), the percentage growth rate of vote shares for the main far-right party (Front National, our proxy for anti-immigrant sentiment) between 2012 and 2017 is reduced by about 12.3 percentage points. Given that the Front National vote share increased by 20% on average between 2012 and 2017 in French municipalities, this estimation suggests that the growth rate of Front National votes in municipalities with a CAO was only 40% compared to the increase in municipalities without a CAO (which corresponds to a 3.9 percentage points lower increase). These effects, which dissipate spatially and depend on city characteristics, and crucially on the inflow’s size, point towards the contact hypothesis (Allport (1954)).

Publié en 2020-04 Collection Sciences Po LIEPP Working Paper : 109
SHANDRA Carrie
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Objectives: Patterns of healthy leisure are dependent upon age, but people with disabilities are particularly susceptible to passive and disengaged types of activities. This study evaluates how individuals with disabilities spend their time in passive, active, social, and isolated forms of leisure over the life course, and how these patterns vary by age. Methods: Nationally representative data are analyzed from 70,165 respondents aged 15 and over in the 2008, 2010, and 2012-2016 American Time Use Survey. Linear regression models estimate the association between disability and leisure time, net of self-rated health and sociodemographic controls. Results: People with disabilities report significantly more, and poorer quality, leisure than people without disabilities. The isolated leisure time of people with disabilities is most different from people without disabilities in later life—whereas differences in total and passive leisure time, by disability status, are greatest in midlife. Patterns vary by type of functional limitation. Discussion: People with disabilities spend less time in health-promoting forms of leisure at all ages, but these patterns are unique across midlife and older age.

Czechoslovakia, a newborn state in 1918, immediately faced interethnic conflict, threatening its survival. In other multinational places of interwar Central Europe, democracy rapidly collapsed, and most ethnic minorities became entrenched into a systemic opposition to the dominant nationality of their state. How could the Czechoslovak leaders of all nationalities overcome this state of tension and mistrust? How would leaders shape their preferences and strategies be shaped? Would cooperation prove to be a better option than systematic rejection of a common polity? To what extent did the imperial experience of interethnic cooperation survive the war and remain a useful frame for at least some part of the political leadership? This paper studies how and why interethnic cooperation was successful. It pursues two directions. First, it considers how biographies and individual trajectories of leaders inform us about the strategies adopted vis-à-vis the minority issue. Then, it assesses how documents from the relevant ministries controlled by German-speaking ministers help decipher public policy choices and reassess the importance of the "national question" in the everyday routine of these institutions.

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Until now, the literature on opposition or resistance to regional integration has concentrated on the European Union (UE). So far, no systematic attempt has been pursued to explain opposition to regional integration in Latin America and identify its main influential factors. Based on Latinobarometro surveys, two main findings have emerged from this paper. First, opposition to regional integration is not a generalised attitude among Latin Americans. Secondly, the way in which citizens across Latin America evaluate regional integration is strongly influenced by the same predictors as in the EU: citizens' assessments of economic performance (both at the individual and national level), education, ideology, age, and income. Thus, socio-economic variables have proven to be directly linked to support for/opposition to economic integration. If Latin America continues along its recent path of economic growth these findings imply that it will likely see stable high support for regional integration. Conversely, the less that Latin America prospers from regional trade and the more that its economies deteriorate, the lesser support there will be for economic integration.

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The popularity of labels as tools of government is growing in many policy areas. This working paper focuses on the creation and the implementation of three different public labels in the public health field. Granted by the States or other public authorities, those labels reward distinctively organizations for their contribution to a public cause. Governance by labels relies on the mechanisms of market competition and of social distinction at play within a field, to orient actors towards opinions that governments consider to be in the public interest. This working paper nevertheless shows the difficulties to implement effectively that kind of soft policy tools: for them to affect firms and consumers' behaviours, they have to integrate many conflicting objectives and interests at the same time, which is rarely the case. We actually show, in our three case studies, that governing the market through labels implies governing the labels themselves, by carefully selecting their grantee, promoting them to both consumers and companies, and struggling against other challenger labels or market intermediaries. It is not an uncommon paradox that these labels that are entrusted with such a high power of "changing the world", have been finally stripped of any power.

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Ce document propose une nouvelle méthode de décomposition des indices de ségrégation, lorsque les unités sont réparties suivant deux partitions non disjointes. Cette méthode est appliquée pour étudier comment la sectorisation et les choix parentaux contribuent à la ségrégation sociale dans les collèges français. A partir des données géolocalisées exhaustives sur trois zones urbaines, nous décomposons les indices de ségrégation entre collèges en fonction de la contribution de la ségrégation résidentielle et du contournement de la carte scolaire. Le choix d'une partie des parents de ne pas scolariser leur enfant dans le collège de secteur, contribue pour moitié à la ségrégation sociale à Paris, et pour plus de deux tiers dans les agglomérations de Bordeaux et de Clermond-Ferrand. Cet effet est surtout attribuable à la réduction de la diversité des origines sociales dans certains collèges publics, les familles évitant le collège de quartier pour un collège privé étant souvent les plus favorisées localement.

Publié en 2020-02 Collection Sciences Po LIEPP Working Paper : 104
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In this work, we assess how organization of recruitment in large companies affects ethnic discrimination. We consider large multi-establishment companies and distinguish two types of organization of recruitment: hiring made through a human resources (HR) department at a centralized level of the company and hiring made only at the level of the establishment concerned by the position, generally by managers in charge of recruitment. Our results indicate that access to a centralized HR department in the selection of applications has an important effect on the level of discrimination: this type of organization of recruitment results in a significant decrease in the probability that the applicant of presumed "French" origin is selected alone.

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Le bruit médiatique autour des multinationales visées par la corruption affaiblit-il la capacité de leurs dirigeants à obtenir des gouvernements des décisions conformes à leurs préférences ? Pour répondre à cette question, cet article entreprend une comparaison intra-cas se déroulant au Québec et au Canada entre 2011 et 2018, et portant sur : les enquêtes et accusations de corruption touchant la multinationale du génie-conseil, SNC Lavalin; la couverture de ces événements dans la presse écrite, et les nouvelles règles de lutte à la corruption d'entreprise adoptées durant cette période par les gouvernements provincial et fédéral. Durant ces années, et malgré les mauvaises nouvelles concernant SNC Lavalin, les gouvernements provincial et fédéral ont pris des décisions permettant à la firme d'éviter une reconnaissance de culpabilité civile et criminelle, et de préserver ses contrats publics. Pour expliquer ces résultats, l'hypothèse du nationalisme économique comme "cadre" est mise de l'avant. Lorsque les sanctions pour punir les entreprises touchées par la corruption sont définies (framed) comme des coûts qui menacent l'économie nationale ou du pays, le bruit autour des scandales de corruption importe peu. Il est neutralisé par le nationalisme économique, que les dirigeants de firmes mobilisent pour construire des coalitions de soutien en faveur de politiques anticorruption plus clémentes; qui ne désavantagent pas "nos entreprises" face à leurs concurrents étrangers.

Publié en 2020-01 Collection Sciences Po LIEPP Working Paper : 103
LAI Tianjian
MCAVAY Haley
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Drawing on a unique, large sample survey from France, Trajectories and Origins (TeO), this article aims to disentangle the effects of migrants' initial legal status from their pre-migration characteristics on five outcomes : family income, unemployment, neighborhood income disadvantage, segregation and self-rated health. Findings show that outcomes vary by legal status, but that most of these disparities disappear once pre-migration variables are accounted for. Still, we find net effects of legal status for some categories. Asylum seekers tend to face greater disadvantage in terms of family income and segregation, while students report higher family income and lower neighborhood income disadvantage. Migrants with worker status or a French spouse permit also tend to experience less neighborhood income disadvantage and segregation. Yet interactions between legal status and country of origin show that these effects are not constant across groups. Sub-Saharan Africans and migrants from other non-European countries are the most strongly impacted by disadvantaged status.

Publié en 2020-01 Collection Sciences Po LIEPP Working paper : 102
BURRONI Luigi
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Since mid-1990s social sciences have re-started to give attention to the role played by the state in promoting economic growth, with important contributions from economists, sociologists and political scientists. This attention further increased after the economic and financial crisis of 2007/08 with a rising strand of research that is focusing on the institutional foundations of different growth models in advanced economies. This paper is related to this wide strand of research and analyses how industrial policies can favor the emerging of institutional conditions that are conducive to economic growth. In particular, the paper analyzes the neglected relationship between public policies and labor productivity in OECD countries. The focus is on four policy arenas that have a direct impact on labor productivity: labor market, human capital, innovation and on the efficiency of public administration. The analysis underlines a strong association between labour productivity and public policies addressed to promote training and activation, tha quality of educational institutions and inter-institutional networks in innovation. Other kind of policies, such as those addressed to flexibilise the labour market or to reduce labour costs or to increase the average number of years of schooling seem to play a minor role.

Publié en 2020-01 Collection Sciences Po LIEPP Working Paper : 100
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Can large immigration inflows impact electoral outcomes and specifically, what impact did immigration have on the vote in favour of leaving the European Union (Brexit) in the United Kingdom? In particular, I focus on how the increase in Polish immigration, the major group of immigrants post 2004, affected votes in favour of leaving the EU. I find a percentage point increase in Polish immigration to the UK to have caused an increase in votes in favour of Brexit of about 2.72-3.12 percentage points, depending on the specification. To obtain exogenous variation in Polish immigration, I collect data from the archives that reveals the location of Polish War Resettlement Camps after Word War II, which location is plausibly exogenous to current political outcomes. Discussing potential mechanisms, I examine public opinion data in the British Election Study 2015 and find evidence of adversity towards immigration to be a root cause. Other considerations such as the National Health Service (NHS), incumbency and the general trust in politicians as well as the political institutions seem not to play a role.

Publié en 2020-01 Collection Sciences Po LIEPP Working Paper : 101
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While ethnic minorities may ultimately strive for creating their own state, or joining an ethnic kin state, these options are rarely realistically feasible. In such conditions, I argue, that dominant ethnic minority representatives strive to collaborate with the ethnic majority, and pursue liberal political goals, such as the protection of minority rights and civil liberties, that would ensure the survival and wellbeing of all ethnic groups. This contrasts with much of the literature which sees ethnicity as a source of particularistic, rather than liberal, politics. However, I suggest that when the plausibility of secession or irredentism increases, ethnic representatives abandon their liberal collaborative aims, and rather seek to end their minority status through exit. I study these mechanisms on the case of the German minority in interwar Czechoslovakia. Using historical analysis and quantitative content analysis of parliamentary speeches between 1920 and 1938, I demonstrate that the political actions of ethnic minority representatives are circumstantial.

Publié en 2019-12 Collection Sciences Po LIEPP Working Paper : 98
CHAMBOULEYRON Emilio
VONNAK Reka
ASSIRELLI Giulia
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Over the past two decades, a growing number of randomised controlled trials have assessed the impact on children's language skills of interventions encouraging parents to read books to their children. We present the results of a meta-analysis of the impact of 30 such interventions. Results indicate that they are often ineffective, and that only one specific methodology (dialogic reading), displays systematically positive impacts. Moreover, effective interventions display weaker impacts on low-socioeconomic groups, thus raising equity issues, and on younger children. Our systematic analysis of the research designs of these studies points at three major weaknesses. First, only short-term outcomes are measured, most often within six months after the conclusion of the intervention, and even within such a narrow time window, we find indications that treatment impacts fade out. A second limitation concerns the limited range of outcomes measured (receptive or expressive vocabulary). Finally these studies display low external validity (ad hoc sampling, small sample sizes, lack of multi-site experiments, scant evidence outside Anglo-saxon countries).

Publié en 2019-11 Collection Sciences Po LIEPP Working Paper : 97
HURD Ian
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Scholarship on international law in political science is dominated by a liberal paradigm that seeks to distinguish legal forms from political ones. The liberal approach offers a consensual model of international law in which legalization is a manifestation of intergovernmental cooperation in the pursuit of mutual goals. These two assumptions - that law is cooperative and that cooperation is a normative good - lead liberal global governance scholars away from key political questions about international legalization : namely, who wins and who loses. This results in the pathologies that Judith Shklar identified as 'legalism', when legal processes appear as charmed and neutral alternatives to politics. This article examines the liberal framework on global governance and law and contrast it with a competing political view. I show the differences between the two and outline the competing research agendas and policy advice that follows from them. The liberal model leads to the policy suggestion that decisionmakers should comply with international law, for self-interested and for more universal reasons, while the political alternative sees compliance as advancing some interests against others. With different theories of how law and politics are related, the two lead to competing interpretations of history as well as different policy prescriptions.

Publié en 2019-11 Collection Sciences Po LIEPP Working Paper : 95
FERRERA Maurizio
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Do we need a more social UE – or even a fully-fledged European Social Union (ESU)? An increasing number of empirically oriented social scientists argue that we do. This paper how ESU could be pieced together by r-assembling what is already in place, exploiting in particular the potential of the European Pillar of Social Rights. The paper also discusses the rationales behind the ESU proposal. There is, first, a twofold functional rationale: the EU institutional asymmetry between market making and market corrective goals and policies generates perverse effects; EMU needs a number of social corollaries to effectively perform its mission and functions. But there is a second and equally important rationale, based on political factors. A tenet of political theory is that any territorially organized collectivity cannot survive and prosper without the diffuse support of its members. The latter rests however not only on effectiveness, but also on fairness. Citizens must feel that the territorial government abides by the general norm of somehow representing the collective interest, taking care of all sectors/strata of the population, however weak and peripheral. In order to be politically effective, Social Europe cannot however limit itself to enhancing its institutional strength and policy production. It must become more visible to ordinary citizens and provide them with direct tangible benefits.

Publié en 2019-11 Collection Sciences Po LIEPP Working Paper : 96
SHOMER Yael
RASCH Björn Erik
AKIRAV Osnat
168
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Most analyzes of government instability in parliamentary democracies rests on a standard definition of what counts as a new government. Three criteria are used. A new government exists whenever there is a new Prime Minister, after the occurrence of a general election, and whenever the partisan composition of the government changes. Obviously fruitful in many respects, the definition is problematic if we are interested in the political phenomenon of government stability and instability; governmental durability based on the standard definition of governments is not a valid and useful measure of stability in many parliamentary systems. We argue that this measure from one perspective is too inclusive (not any change in government's partisan composition signifies instability), and from another angle too narrow (focusing almost exclusively on a government as a whole.) We investigate how changes in conceptualization of what constitute new governments, affects the degree of instability in parliamentary democracies. Clearly, definitions make a difference and we demonstrate that countries might be characterized as unstable from one perspective, yet stable from another. Clearly, the commonly used definition of government used to measure government duration inflates instability, at least for some countries. We demonstrate that using more precise definitions of government longevity - ones that do not equate any changes in government's partisan composition as a sign of instability - yield important ramifications for the rank-order of countries' governments instability.

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